What is a Coup?
Analysing the Brazilian Impeachment Process
Counterpunch - by Aline Piva - Frederick B. Mills
October 11, 2016
The debate over whether the regime change in Brazil constituted a coup hinges on whether the impeachment process used to depose President Dilma Rousseff had democratic legitimacy or was an illicit use of formal procedures to undermine the popular mandate granted to the Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT) by the Brazilian people in the last presidential election. Proponents of the view that the impeachment was legal and that this legality confers democratic legitimacy tend to abstract the impeachment process from its lived context. This abstraction leaves the politics behind the regime change opaque and even irrelevant. The notion of legality and the impeachment that took place, however, is inevitably refracted through the lens of a historical, cultural, economic, and political context. We argue that the social contract that gives legal avenues their democratic legitimacy has been undermined by the impeachment process and that this caused a breach in the democratic order. On this view, the “legality” that prevails at the present moment is a subversion of democracy and justice — it is driven by corruption and elite economic interests, and has given rise to a golpista regime.
It is essential first to assess whether the protagonists of the impeachment process were representing constituent power, or whether they had taken themselves and special interests as the ultimate point of reference in order to advance an agenda that is contrary to the popular mandate — a mandate expressed in democratic elections just months before the regime change. If the latter were the case, and we think it is, then there has been a rupture in the democratic order brought about by an institutional coup. On account of this rupture, the legality in force is at the service of a new master and not the constituents who had delegated their power to government institutions through democratic procedures.
Many critics of the use of the term “coup” to describe Brazil’s regime change argue that this term is being misapplied. In his Political Dictionary, Noberto Bobbio defines coup d’état as a change of government through unconstitutional means. This change of government has five distinctive characteristics: 1. Is an act perpetrated by one or more institutions within the State; 2. Leads to a change in political leadership; 3. May be accompanied by political and/or social mobilization; 4. Is usually followed by the reinforcement of the State’s bureaucracy and law enforcement apparatus; and 5. Leads to the elimination or dissolution of political parties. All five of these characteristics can be found in Rousseff’s impeachment.[1] When we place the impeachment in the historical and lived context of Brazilian politics, we find that the legal process that drove the impeachment became the mere spectacle of legality, a “legality” high-jacked by a political-economic bloc to bring about a radical lchange in the overall economic and social platform — one more amenable to the neoliberal gospel, one that was simply not possible with the platform upon which Rousseff was democratically elected. When judicial manipulations in this way become the instrument of regime change toward a desired economic agenda, democracy is undermined.
CONTINUE READING HERE .......
It is essential first to assess whether the protagonists of the impeachment process were representing constituent power, or whether they had taken themselves and special interests as the ultimate point of reference in order to advance an agenda that is contrary to the popular mandate — a mandate expressed in democratic elections just months before the regime change. If the latter were the case, and we think it is, then there has been a rupture in the democratic order brought about by an institutional coup. On account of this rupture, the legality in force is at the service of a new master and not the constituents who had delegated their power to government institutions through democratic procedures.
Many critics of the use of the term “coup” to describe Brazil’s regime change argue that this term is being misapplied. In his Political Dictionary, Noberto Bobbio defines coup d’état as a change of government through unconstitutional means. This change of government has five distinctive characteristics: 1. Is an act perpetrated by one or more institutions within the State; 2. Leads to a change in political leadership; 3. May be accompanied by political and/or social mobilization; 4. Is usually followed by the reinforcement of the State’s bureaucracy and law enforcement apparatus; and 5. Leads to the elimination or dissolution of political parties. All five of these characteristics can be found in Rousseff’s impeachment.[1] When we place the impeachment in the historical and lived context of Brazilian politics, we find that the legal process that drove the impeachment became the mere spectacle of legality, a “legality” high-jacked by a political-economic bloc to bring about a radical lchange in the overall economic and social platform — one more amenable to the neoliberal gospel, one that was simply not possible with the platform upon which Rousseff was democratically elected. When judicial manipulations in this way become the instrument of regime change toward a desired economic agenda, democracy is undermined.
CONTINUE READING HERE .......
Sociologist Atilio Borón Analyses Similarities Between the 1973 Coup in Chile and the Current Situation
in Brazil
María Julia Giménez / Source: Brasil de Fato / The Dawn News
September 12, 2016
After 43 years after the coup d’etát in Chile, which overthrew Salvador Allende’s government, thinker Atilio Borón spoke with Brasil de Fato to analyse the connections between that moment in recent history and the current events that violate the democratic order in Latin America.
According to the Argentine sociologist, the constitutional changes made by the governments of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Evo Morales in Bolivia and Rafael Correa in Ecuador created a new institutional order that allowed leaders to make the necessary reforms to improve the lives of their peoples.
However, the electoral triumph of Mauricio Macri in Argentina and the recent impeachment against Dilma Rousseff in Brazil signal the weaknesses of the processes in these two countries, which kept untouched the structure of the bourgeois state. These frailties were used by the US to their advantage in their effort to regain positions in the international scenario.
“I believe that Lula was a victim of his own technocratic stance. He sent the Brazilian people to their homes, to not get involved in politics, and when wolves came knocking to Dilma’s house, she tried to reach out and nobody was there to defend her. He trusted and made alliances with groups of power that were clearly going to betray him. It was clear as day”, Borón said.
What lessons are to be learned from the 1973 coup in Chile? How does the Chilean experience help us to reflect about the current situation in Latin America? And how does the current context can help us rethink our history as Latin American peoples?
– Atilio Borón: I believe that the coup in Chile was a tragedy that in some way announced what was to come later in the majority of the countries in Latin America. Brazil had already suffered a coup in 1964, Argentina too, in 1966. But Chile’s case was different. It was a radical experiment in shock treatment, that would later be applied throughout the rest of Latin America and also in some countries where capitalism is under development.
Chile’s case was very irregular in comparison with other regions. Salvador Allende’s government had kept the institutional structures of a bourgeois state. Meaning, there was no reform of the Constitution. There was merely a debate on the interpretation of some clauses of the Constitution that prevented Allende’s government from advancing in nationalization policies, price controls and market interventions.
But Allende didn’t do what Venezuelans, Bolivians and Ecuadorians did. They created a new Constitutional order, a new institutional system, and introduced the necessary changes to improve the quality of life of the population.
What can we learn? To begin with, a bourgeois state with a bourgeois constitution, with capitalist relations of production and where big corporations have a great amount of power, imposes very tight limits on what you can do. And when changes transcend those limits, the democratic process enters a dangerous zone and is quickly eliminated by the agents of social conservatism, that is, the dominant classes.
In very complex economic situations these processes inevitably emerge because the bourgeoisie makes constant sabotages, or “bourgeois strikes”. They stop investing, flights of capital begin and the productive process is blocked at every level, causing a great harm to the population. Eventually, the grassroots are prepared to carry out a fascist revolution.
That was Chile’s reaction in 1973. And I believe Chávez learnt from that lesson, and after him, Evo and Correa did too. Because the first thing they did was to expand the institutional framework of the processes of transformation in Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador. This was very significative and very important. They introduced innovations that promoted a central role of the people, such as the revocatory referendum, and the acknowledgement of forms of self-government for indigenous peoples.
Therefore, I believe that there is, in fact, a lesson learned. But not in every country. Argentina, Brazil and Colombia continued going down the paths of the liberal democratic institutional order. And that is the source of many problems.
So, at a regional level, is it possible to affirm that we’re now in a better position to resist this advance of the right, that began with the coup in Honduras and now caused the impeachment of Dilma?
– A. B.: Look, what happened in Chile was unique, because at the time, Peronism was returning in Argentina, although it was short-lived and ended in a great catastrophe. There was a peak in Bolivia —in 1971, Bolivia inaugurated a brief process of radicalization of the masses under the command of Juan José Torres and the Bolivian Popular Assembly, but Torres was quickly deposed and murdered in Buenos Aires. Chilean General Carlos Prats González was also killed in Chile.
So, the context was very different from the current one.
The current political processes are emerging at the same time that the decadence of the US’s imperialism is deepening. In the second half of the 1990s some spoke of the beginning of a new North American century. But, far from that, it was the beginning of a slow and persistent decadence of the US.
Some of us noticed that decadence but our opinion was brushed off due to ideological reasons. Nowadays, when you read specialized literature by most important the geo-strategists —the thinkers of the empire, like Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski, they both argue that the US is not as powerful anymore.
Economic projections lead us to conclude that by 2030 the North American economy will represent barely 18% of the world’s GDP and China’s will represent 28%. This decadence is also seen in the growing powerlessness of the US. This is evident, for example, in the fact that a little country in South America such as Ecuador can give diplomatic asylum to Julian Assange and furthermore they expel the English troops from their embassy!
In the past, that would have prompted an invasion of marines in Ecuador, who would have detained and murdered President Rafael Correa, as they did in 1982 with Maurice Bishop, President of Granada.
Now, the weakening of the US is an undisputable fact. They have powerful enemies: Russia on one hand, and China on the other. So, what happens? Every time the US has problems worldwide, they back down to reaffirm their grip of domination on Latin America. That happened in the 70s and is happening right now.
The US want to break the cycle of progressivist governments and advance in the conformation of a new Latin America, that is completely armored, where not a single government challenges their hegemony. Meanwhile, the forecasts of the Pentagon announced 20 or 30 more years of war. The rearguard is secured.
And that’s why they launched the campaign to destitute these governments, and create a new right in Latin America. In Argentina, this was very clear and in Brazil they have strengthened the links with the PSDB. In this process, Fernando Henrique Cardoso had a fundamental role.
What does Brazil mean in geopolitical terms? Why was the latest coup carried out in Brazil?
For several reasons. First of all, Brazil is the most important country in the Latin American and the Caribbean and that means that wherever Brazil goes, Latin America goes too.
Secondly, Brazil was always a strategic ally of the US. Don’t forget that Brazil was handpicked by the US to develop metal industries after World War II, with loans they had approved.
And thirdly, Brazil is a paradise of natural resources. The US is very interested in controlling the Amazonia and the Guaraní aquifer —their power in Argentina also allows them to control the aquifer. And of course, oil. Do you know when the 4th Troop of the US, which had been inactive for over 50 years, mobilized for the first time? Right after Lula announced the discovery of the Pre-Salt oil field. Is that a coincidence? Of course not! It’s a reaction. These are the reasons why Brazil is very important to them.
According to the Argentine sociologist, the constitutional changes made by the governments of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Evo Morales in Bolivia and Rafael Correa in Ecuador created a new institutional order that allowed leaders to make the necessary reforms to improve the lives of their peoples.
However, the electoral triumph of Mauricio Macri in Argentina and the recent impeachment against Dilma Rousseff in Brazil signal the weaknesses of the processes in these two countries, which kept untouched the structure of the bourgeois state. These frailties were used by the US to their advantage in their effort to regain positions in the international scenario.
“I believe that Lula was a victim of his own technocratic stance. He sent the Brazilian people to their homes, to not get involved in politics, and when wolves came knocking to Dilma’s house, she tried to reach out and nobody was there to defend her. He trusted and made alliances with groups of power that were clearly going to betray him. It was clear as day”, Borón said.
What lessons are to be learned from the 1973 coup in Chile? How does the Chilean experience help us to reflect about the current situation in Latin America? And how does the current context can help us rethink our history as Latin American peoples?
– Atilio Borón: I believe that the coup in Chile was a tragedy that in some way announced what was to come later in the majority of the countries in Latin America. Brazil had already suffered a coup in 1964, Argentina too, in 1966. But Chile’s case was different. It was a radical experiment in shock treatment, that would later be applied throughout the rest of Latin America and also in some countries where capitalism is under development.
Chile’s case was very irregular in comparison with other regions. Salvador Allende’s government had kept the institutional structures of a bourgeois state. Meaning, there was no reform of the Constitution. There was merely a debate on the interpretation of some clauses of the Constitution that prevented Allende’s government from advancing in nationalization policies, price controls and market interventions.
But Allende didn’t do what Venezuelans, Bolivians and Ecuadorians did. They created a new Constitutional order, a new institutional system, and introduced the necessary changes to improve the quality of life of the population.
What can we learn? To begin with, a bourgeois state with a bourgeois constitution, with capitalist relations of production and where big corporations have a great amount of power, imposes very tight limits on what you can do. And when changes transcend those limits, the democratic process enters a dangerous zone and is quickly eliminated by the agents of social conservatism, that is, the dominant classes.
In very complex economic situations these processes inevitably emerge because the bourgeoisie makes constant sabotages, or “bourgeois strikes”. They stop investing, flights of capital begin and the productive process is blocked at every level, causing a great harm to the population. Eventually, the grassroots are prepared to carry out a fascist revolution.
That was Chile’s reaction in 1973. And I believe Chávez learnt from that lesson, and after him, Evo and Correa did too. Because the first thing they did was to expand the institutional framework of the processes of transformation in Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador. This was very significative and very important. They introduced innovations that promoted a central role of the people, such as the revocatory referendum, and the acknowledgement of forms of self-government for indigenous peoples.
Therefore, I believe that there is, in fact, a lesson learned. But not in every country. Argentina, Brazil and Colombia continued going down the paths of the liberal democratic institutional order. And that is the source of many problems.
So, at a regional level, is it possible to affirm that we’re now in a better position to resist this advance of the right, that began with the coup in Honduras and now caused the impeachment of Dilma?
– A. B.: Look, what happened in Chile was unique, because at the time, Peronism was returning in Argentina, although it was short-lived and ended in a great catastrophe. There was a peak in Bolivia —in 1971, Bolivia inaugurated a brief process of radicalization of the masses under the command of Juan José Torres and the Bolivian Popular Assembly, but Torres was quickly deposed and murdered in Buenos Aires. Chilean General Carlos Prats González was also killed in Chile.
So, the context was very different from the current one.
The current political processes are emerging at the same time that the decadence of the US’s imperialism is deepening. In the second half of the 1990s some spoke of the beginning of a new North American century. But, far from that, it was the beginning of a slow and persistent decadence of the US.
Some of us noticed that decadence but our opinion was brushed off due to ideological reasons. Nowadays, when you read specialized literature by most important the geo-strategists —the thinkers of the empire, like Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski, they both argue that the US is not as powerful anymore.
Economic projections lead us to conclude that by 2030 the North American economy will represent barely 18% of the world’s GDP and China’s will represent 28%. This decadence is also seen in the growing powerlessness of the US. This is evident, for example, in the fact that a little country in South America such as Ecuador can give diplomatic asylum to Julian Assange and furthermore they expel the English troops from their embassy!
In the past, that would have prompted an invasion of marines in Ecuador, who would have detained and murdered President Rafael Correa, as they did in 1982 with Maurice Bishop, President of Granada.
Now, the weakening of the US is an undisputable fact. They have powerful enemies: Russia on one hand, and China on the other. So, what happens? Every time the US has problems worldwide, they back down to reaffirm their grip of domination on Latin America. That happened in the 70s and is happening right now.
The US want to break the cycle of progressivist governments and advance in the conformation of a new Latin America, that is completely armored, where not a single government challenges their hegemony. Meanwhile, the forecasts of the Pentagon announced 20 or 30 more years of war. The rearguard is secured.
And that’s why they launched the campaign to destitute these governments, and create a new right in Latin America. In Argentina, this was very clear and in Brazil they have strengthened the links with the PSDB. In this process, Fernando Henrique Cardoso had a fundamental role.
What does Brazil mean in geopolitical terms? Why was the latest coup carried out in Brazil?
For several reasons. First of all, Brazil is the most important country in the Latin American and the Caribbean and that means that wherever Brazil goes, Latin America goes too.
Secondly, Brazil was always a strategic ally of the US. Don’t forget that Brazil was handpicked by the US to develop metal industries after World War II, with loans they had approved.
And thirdly, Brazil is a paradise of natural resources. The US is very interested in controlling the Amazonia and the Guaraní aquifer —their power in Argentina also allows them to control the aquifer. And of course, oil. Do you know when the 4th Troop of the US, which had been inactive for over 50 years, mobilized for the first time? Right after Lula announced the discovery of the Pre-Salt oil field. Is that a coincidence? Of course not! It’s a reaction. These are the reasons why Brazil is very important to them.
OTROS ARTICULOS:
1. Protesta contra Temer reúne más de cien mil personas en São Paulo
2. El objetivo es impedir que Lula sea candidato en las próximas elecciones
3. An Open Letter to the People of Brazil
Emotiva carta de Dilma Rousseff:
“No desistan de la lucha”
CUBA DEBATE - 6 Septiembre 2016
Hoy, el Senado Federal tomó una decisión que entra en la historia de las grandes injusticias. Los senadores que votaron por el impeachment escogieron lastimar la Constitución Federal. Decidieron por la interrupción de un mandato de una presidente que no cometió crimen de responsabilidad. Condenaron a una inocente y consumaron un golpe parlamentario.
Con la aprobación de mi apartamiento definitivo, políticos que buscan desesperadamente escapar del brazo de la Justicia tomaron el poder unidos a los derrotados en las últimas cuatro elecciones. No llegan al Gobierno por el voto directo, como yo y Lula hicimos en 2002, 2006, 2010 y 2014. Se apropian del poder por medio de un golpe de Estado.
Es el segundo golpe de Estado que enfrento en mi vida. El primero, el golpe militar, apoyado en la truculencia de las armas, de la represión y la tortura, se me presentó cuando era una joven militante. El segundo golpe parlamentario, acontecido hoy, a través de una farsa legal, me derriba del cargo para el que fui elegida por el pueblo.
Se trata de una clara elección indirecta, en la que 61 senadores sustituyen la voluntad expresada por 54.500.000 votos. Es un fraude, contra el que todavía vamos a recurrir a todas las instancias posibles.
Sorprende que la mayor acción contra la corrupción de nuestra historia, como consecuencia de medidas adoptadas y las leyes promulgadas a partir 2003 y profundizadas en mi gobierno, lleven justamente al poder a un grupo de corruptos investigado.
El proyecto nacional progresista, incluyente y democrático que represento está siendo interrumpido por una poderosa fuerza conservadora y reaccionaria, con el apoyo de una prensa partidista y venal. Se capturarán las instituciones del Estado para ponerlas al servicio del más radical liberalismo económico y el retroceso social.
Acaban de derrumbar a la primera mujer presidente de Brasil, sin ninguna justificación constitucional para este juicio político.
Pero el golpe no se acaba de cometer contra mí y mi partido. Este fue sólo el comienzo. El golpe golpeará indistintamente cualquier organización política progresista y democrática.
El golpe está en contra de los movimientos sociales y sindicales y contra los que luchan por los derechos en todas sus acepciones: el derecho al trabajo y la protección de las leyes laborales; derecho a una jubilación justa; derecho a la vivienda y a la tierra; derecho a la educación, la salud y la cultura; derecho de la juventud a protagonizar su historia; derechos de los negros, los indígenas, la población LGBT, mujeres; derecho a hablar sin ser reprimido.
El golpe es contra el pueblo y contra la nación. El golpe es misógino. El golpe es homofóbico. El golpe es racista. Es la imposición de la cultura de intolerancia, los prejuicios, la violencia.
Les pido a Brasil y los brasileños que me oigan. Hablo a los más de 54 millones que votaron por mí en 2014. Hablo a los 110 millones, que apoyan la elección directa como forma de elección de presidentes. Hablo fundamentalmente a los brasileños que, durante mi gobierno, superaron la pobreza, alcanzaron el sueño de la casa, comenzaron a recibir atención médica, entraron en la universidad y dejaron de ser invisibles a los ojos de la nación, pasando a tener derechos que siempre les fueron negados.
La incredulidad y el dolor que nos golpean en momentos como éste son malos consejeros. No desistan de la lucha.
Oigan bien: creen que nos ganaron, pero están equivocados. Sé que todo el mundo va a luchar. Habrá contra ellos la oposición más firme, incansable y llena de energía que un gobierno golpista pueda tener.
Cuando el presidente Lula fue elegido por primera vez en 2003, llegamos al gobierno cantando juntos que nadie debía tener miedo de ser feliz. Por más de 13 años, llevamos adelante con éxito un proyecto que promovió la mayor inclusión social y reducción de las desigualdades de la historia de nuestro país.
Esta historia no termina así. Estoy segura de que la interrupción de este proceso por el golpe de Estado no es definitiva. Volveremos. Para continuar nuestro viaje hacia un Brasil donde el pueblo es soberano.
Espero que sepamos unirnos en defensa de las causas comunes para todos los progresistas, independientemente de su afiliación partidaria o posición política. Propongo que luchemos todos juntos contra el retroceso, en contra de la agenda conservadora, en contra de la extinción de los derechos, por la soberanía nacional y el pleno restablecimiento de la democracia.
Dejo la presidencia como entré: sin haber incurrido en ningún acto ilegal; sin haber traicionado ninguno de mis compromisos; con dignidad y llevando en el pecho el mismo amor y admiración por los hombres y las mujeres brasileñas y la misma voluntad de seguir luchando por Brasil.
Viví mi verdad. Di lo mejor de mi capacidad. No huí de mis responsabilidades. Me emocioné con el sufrimiento humano, me conmoví con la lucha contra la pobreza y el hambre, combatí la desigualdad.
Me embarqué en buenas peleas. Perdí algunas, gané muchas y, en este momento, me siento inspirada en Darcy Ribeiro para decir: no me gustaría estar en el lugar de aquellos que se consideran vencedores. La historia será implacable con ellos.
A las mujeres brasileñas, que me cubrieron con flores y afecto, les pido que crean que se puede. Las futuras generaciones de brasileñas sabrán que la primera vez que una mujer ocupó la Presidencia de Brasil, el machismo y la misoginia mostraron sus caras más feas. Hemos abierto un camino de una sola vía hacia la igualdad de género. Nada nos hará retroceder.
En este momento, no voy les voy a decir adiós. Estoy segura de que se puede decir “hasta dentro de poco”.
Concluyo compartiendo con ustedes una maravillosa inspiración del poeta ruso Maiakovski:
“No estamos contentos, por supuesto,
Pero ¿por qué razón deberíamos estar tristes?
El mar de la historia es agitado
Las amenazas y guerras, habremos de atravesarlas,
Las romperemos por la mitad,
Cortándolas como corta una quilla”
Un fuerte abrazo a todos los brasileños, que comparten conmigo la creencia en la democracia y el sueño de la justicia.
Jueves, 1 de Setiembre de 2016
Con la aprobación de mi apartamiento definitivo, políticos que buscan desesperadamente escapar del brazo de la Justicia tomaron el poder unidos a los derrotados en las últimas cuatro elecciones. No llegan al Gobierno por el voto directo, como yo y Lula hicimos en 2002, 2006, 2010 y 2014. Se apropian del poder por medio de un golpe de Estado.
Es el segundo golpe de Estado que enfrento en mi vida. El primero, el golpe militar, apoyado en la truculencia de las armas, de la represión y la tortura, se me presentó cuando era una joven militante. El segundo golpe parlamentario, acontecido hoy, a través de una farsa legal, me derriba del cargo para el que fui elegida por el pueblo.
Se trata de una clara elección indirecta, en la que 61 senadores sustituyen la voluntad expresada por 54.500.000 votos. Es un fraude, contra el que todavía vamos a recurrir a todas las instancias posibles.
Sorprende que la mayor acción contra la corrupción de nuestra historia, como consecuencia de medidas adoptadas y las leyes promulgadas a partir 2003 y profundizadas en mi gobierno, lleven justamente al poder a un grupo de corruptos investigado.
El proyecto nacional progresista, incluyente y democrático que represento está siendo interrumpido por una poderosa fuerza conservadora y reaccionaria, con el apoyo de una prensa partidista y venal. Se capturarán las instituciones del Estado para ponerlas al servicio del más radical liberalismo económico y el retroceso social.
Acaban de derrumbar a la primera mujer presidente de Brasil, sin ninguna justificación constitucional para este juicio político.
Pero el golpe no se acaba de cometer contra mí y mi partido. Este fue sólo el comienzo. El golpe golpeará indistintamente cualquier organización política progresista y democrática.
El golpe está en contra de los movimientos sociales y sindicales y contra los que luchan por los derechos en todas sus acepciones: el derecho al trabajo y la protección de las leyes laborales; derecho a una jubilación justa; derecho a la vivienda y a la tierra; derecho a la educación, la salud y la cultura; derecho de la juventud a protagonizar su historia; derechos de los negros, los indígenas, la población LGBT, mujeres; derecho a hablar sin ser reprimido.
El golpe es contra el pueblo y contra la nación. El golpe es misógino. El golpe es homofóbico. El golpe es racista. Es la imposición de la cultura de intolerancia, los prejuicios, la violencia.
Les pido a Brasil y los brasileños que me oigan. Hablo a los más de 54 millones que votaron por mí en 2014. Hablo a los 110 millones, que apoyan la elección directa como forma de elección de presidentes. Hablo fundamentalmente a los brasileños que, durante mi gobierno, superaron la pobreza, alcanzaron el sueño de la casa, comenzaron a recibir atención médica, entraron en la universidad y dejaron de ser invisibles a los ojos de la nación, pasando a tener derechos que siempre les fueron negados.
La incredulidad y el dolor que nos golpean en momentos como éste son malos consejeros. No desistan de la lucha.
Oigan bien: creen que nos ganaron, pero están equivocados. Sé que todo el mundo va a luchar. Habrá contra ellos la oposición más firme, incansable y llena de energía que un gobierno golpista pueda tener.
Cuando el presidente Lula fue elegido por primera vez en 2003, llegamos al gobierno cantando juntos que nadie debía tener miedo de ser feliz. Por más de 13 años, llevamos adelante con éxito un proyecto que promovió la mayor inclusión social y reducción de las desigualdades de la historia de nuestro país.
Esta historia no termina así. Estoy segura de que la interrupción de este proceso por el golpe de Estado no es definitiva. Volveremos. Para continuar nuestro viaje hacia un Brasil donde el pueblo es soberano.
Espero que sepamos unirnos en defensa de las causas comunes para todos los progresistas, independientemente de su afiliación partidaria o posición política. Propongo que luchemos todos juntos contra el retroceso, en contra de la agenda conservadora, en contra de la extinción de los derechos, por la soberanía nacional y el pleno restablecimiento de la democracia.
Dejo la presidencia como entré: sin haber incurrido en ningún acto ilegal; sin haber traicionado ninguno de mis compromisos; con dignidad y llevando en el pecho el mismo amor y admiración por los hombres y las mujeres brasileñas y la misma voluntad de seguir luchando por Brasil.
Viví mi verdad. Di lo mejor de mi capacidad. No huí de mis responsabilidades. Me emocioné con el sufrimiento humano, me conmoví con la lucha contra la pobreza y el hambre, combatí la desigualdad.
Me embarqué en buenas peleas. Perdí algunas, gané muchas y, en este momento, me siento inspirada en Darcy Ribeiro para decir: no me gustaría estar en el lugar de aquellos que se consideran vencedores. La historia será implacable con ellos.
A las mujeres brasileñas, que me cubrieron con flores y afecto, les pido que crean que se puede. Las futuras generaciones de brasileñas sabrán que la primera vez que una mujer ocupó la Presidencia de Brasil, el machismo y la misoginia mostraron sus caras más feas. Hemos abierto un camino de una sola vía hacia la igualdad de género. Nada nos hará retroceder.
En este momento, no voy les voy a decir adiós. Estoy segura de que se puede decir “hasta dentro de poco”.
Concluyo compartiendo con ustedes una maravillosa inspiración del poeta ruso Maiakovski:
“No estamos contentos, por supuesto,
Pero ¿por qué razón deberíamos estar tristes?
El mar de la historia es agitado
Las amenazas y guerras, habremos de atravesarlas,
Las romperemos por la mitad,
Cortándolas como corta una quilla”
Un fuerte abrazo a todos los brasileños, que comparten conmigo la creencia en la democracia y el sueño de la justicia.
Jueves, 1 de Setiembre de 2016
Brazilian Mass Media Contributed to the
Consummation of the Coup
Gustavo Viega / Source Pagina 12 / The Dawn News
September 2, 2016
The O Globo Media Group was a decisive actor in the legislative coup against Dilma Rousseff. They promoted this idea when reporting each one of the hearings, using their TV shows, their radio stations and, of course, from their emblematic homonymous journal. They disseminated the idea that the destitution of the former President was the solution to the crisis that Brazil is going through. They symbolically celebrated, as well as in their most important headlines.
On the night the Senate voted, O Globo tweeted a Brazilian flag. A very eloquent signifier that was later deleted, although too late. On the cover of the newspaper, they addressed the President: “Dilma suffers after her impeachment. What now, Temer?” This was nothing else than O Globo demanding him to pay the price for the support they had provided him, just a few hours after his triumph. They are the official spokesmen of the establishment, and in the front page they enumerated, the measures they that the new government will have to impose: “the President will have two years and four months to fulfill the commitments”.
The list read: “Approving the fiscal adjustment and the reforms of the retirement and labour system, reducing unemployment, promoting investments and approving concessions, keeping the promise of not meddling in Eduardo Cunha’s case, supporting the Lava Jato operation and rejecting actions that may interfere in the investigations; managing the division within the PMDB and bringing peace in the relation between the PSDB and the DEM (the former party of the Liberal Front) and also, facing the Congress and facing the opposition which will be out on the streets, as Dilma announced.
This long list of demands is enough to crush the puppet that those very same economic powers behind O Globo used to switch presidents: a weakened Temer who is now on a trip in China. In a threatening tone, the newspaper sentenced in its editorial that “now [after the overthrowing of Dilma Rousseff] politicians known what they risk”. Another journal of the same media group, journal “Extra” stated the obvious: “The country is divided” after the impeachment.
Globo defines itself as “a 100% Brazilian group” and uses a slogan that appeals to national identity as a symbol: “Brazil is its origin, its major inspiration and its responsibility”.
The group, controlled by the Marinho brothers, made a devastating campaign to end with the government of the former President, as it set its corporative interests before the will of 54 million citizens and it’s still threatening the figure of Lula, who is projecting himself for the 2018 elections. Its huge structure enables it to do this sort of thing: it reaches 100 countries through Globo International, its TV audience exceeds 170 million Brazilian men and women, it participates in the movie industry with Globo Films, but its most profitable business unit is Globosat, the cable company.
It was not the only group that bet for the destitution of Dilma, even though it was the most important one. The journal Estado de Sao Paulo published in it cover a drawing of Temer, sitting down, mending the Brazilian flag with thread and needle. The headline is: “It’s time for bitter measures”. The lead-in paragraph of the article reads: “Now that Michel Temer has been formally appointed President of the Republic, he will have to get the Congress to approve the fiscal measures that aim to repair the finances of the Government”.
In the same vein, the Correio Braziliense gave a more optimistic view based on the fact that “specialists bet that the GNP will grow again” and highlighted the reforms promised by the leader of the PMDB “to get the country out of the crisis”.
On the other hand, less massive media, but nevertheless more prestigious, such as the website Carta Maior, criticized the destitution of Rousseff and, especially, anticipated a very difficult future for Brazil. The analyses ranged from Saul Leblon’s editorial, titled “The coup Pushes the Nation Towards Another Night of San Bartolomé” (a reference to the 1572 Huguenots massacre in Paris) to an article by theologist Leonardo Boff who wrote “The Saddest day in Brazil; the Parliamentary Coup”.
The main article in Carta Maior is titled: “Five Reasons to Cry Out: It’s a Coup! Out with Temer!” The lead of that article completes the opinion of the media outlet: “The coup is an articulation within the most conservative sectors of the elite, a true class coup against the interests of workers and minorities”.
The Former Judge of the Federal Supreme Court, Joaquim Barbosa, agrees with these criticism against the Senate’s decision to overthrow the former President. He said that “they —the coupists— are leading the media, including the TV”.
ALSO READ: Brazil’s Dilma Rousseff, a Woman of Honor, Confronts Senate of Scoundrels
Coup in Brazil: Senate removes Rousseff
from presidency
Telesur / August, 31, 2016
The Dawn News Brazil’s right wing finally achieved what it couldn’t win for years at the ballot box, ending 13 years of left-wing governance.
The fate of Brazilian democracy was decided Wednesday as the country’s Senate voted 61 to 20 to impeach suspended President Dilma Rousseff after a trial that many international critics have described as a farce and a parliamentary coup.
The vote installs de facto President Michel Temer in office for the remainder of Rousseff’s term until the 2018 election. There were were no abstentions among the 81 Senators, who easily passed the two-thirds majority threshold of 54 votes to confirm the impeachment.
In a separate vote on whether or not to ban Rousseff from office for the next eight years, Senators voted 42 in favor and 36 against, with three abstentions, falling short of the threshold required to pass. The ousted president will be permitted to continue to hold office, while the installed president, Michel Temer, has already been banned from running for office for eight years.
In the immediate leadup to the vote, Supreme Court President Ricardo Lewandowski ruled to separate the vote on whether to impeach Rousseff from a vote on whether to suspend her “political rights” to hold any public office. Lewandowski announced the decision after Rousseff’s Workers Party requested the votes be split in two. The decision sparked a heated debating, further delaying the final vote.
Speaking from the Presidential Palace after the final decision, Rousseff reiterated her innocence in the face of baseless charges and vowed not to give up the political struggle against poverty and inequality to which she has dedicated herself during her first and partial second terms in office.
“I will fight tirelessly for a better Brazil,” she said, thanking her supporters, particularly Brazilian women, for their support during the impeachment process that she slammed as a discriminatory and misogynistic coup. “We will be back. We will come back to continue our journey towards a Brazil in which the people are sovereign.”
“I wouldn’t want to be in the place of those who think they’re the winners,” she continued. “History will be relesentless with them, as has happened in the case of past decades.”
Rousseff, suspended from office since May, is charged with spending money without congressional approval and using an accounting sleight of hand to make the government’s budget appear better than it was ahead of her 2014 reelection — a technique used by many previous presidents that critics of the process have argued is not an impeachable offense as defined in the constitution.
Her allies both nationally and internationally point out that many of the lawmakers who have plotted the coup are implicated in corruption cases far more serious than accounting tricks. According to the public interest organization Tranparencia Brasil, some 60 percent of the 594 members of the Congress face major criminal charges, from corruption to electoral fraud.
Closing arguments in the week-long trial began Wednesday. Tuesday, 66 of the chamber’s 81 senators took to the floor in a marathon session.
Rousseff and her supporters have, from the beginning, called her ouster a coup. Social movements, trade unions, campesinos, youth, Afro-Brazilian and youth groups have erupted in massive street protests across the country to support both Rousseff and democracy. The largest country in South America with a population of nearly 200 million, Brazil only at only rid itself of a military dictatorship 31 years ago.
“We are 54 million Dilmas,” read signs at many of the protests, referring to the number of votes Brazil’s first woman president received in 2014. Police are trying to crack down on protesters ahead of Wednesday vote.
Rousseff’s dismissal would consolidate a political shift to the right and the end of 13 years of leftist Workers Party rule that helped lift some 30 million Brazilians out of poverty.
In testimony to the senate Monday, the 68-year-old leader denied any wrongdoing and said the impeachment process was aimed at protecting the interests of the economic elite in Latin America’s largest country, comparing the trial to her persecution under Brazil’s military dictatorship when she was tortured as a member of an urban guerrilla group.
Temer, a right-wing member of the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party and known as the most unpopular man in Brazil who was loudly booed at the Olympic opening ceremonies, has been implicated in major corruption allegations, including bribery.
According to a recent poll by Datafolha, 60 percent of Brazilians would want snap presidential elections if Rousseff is removed to vote in a new leader to the country’s top office before the scheduled 2018 polls. Recent surveys have repeatedly shown that Rousseff’s Workers Party predecessor Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva is the favored candidate in the next election.
So sure ahead of time that Rousseff would be impeached, Temer had scheduled an address to the nation and meetings with officials for Wednesday, hoping to be officially sworn into office before 5 p.m., when he plans to fly out to China for the G20 summit.
In his few months in office, Temer has rolled back many of the social programs aimed at lifting marginalized communities out of poverty and isolation. Food subsidies, health care measures and education policies have been overturned and he has promised more austerity if he stays in office.
Workers’ Party Senator Angela Portela said it was a sad day for Brazil’s democratic system because an elected president was being unjustly impeached. “This is not a fair trial. It is a political lynching,” she said.
Two-thirds of the Senate must vote in favor of impeachment to convict her, which would amount to 54 of 81 senators.
A lead lawyer for the case to impeach Rousseff, Senator Janaina Paschoal, asked forgiveness for causing the president “suffering,” but insisted it was the right thing to do.
Rousseff’s counsel, Jose Eduardo Cardozo, retorted that the charges were trumped up to punish the president for her support of the huge corruption investigation into the national oil company Petrobras, known as Operation Car Wash, that has snared many of Brazil’s elite.
“This is a farce,” he said in a speech, “We should ask her forgiveness if she is convicted.”
“History will treat her fairly. History will absolve Dilma Rousseff if you convict her,” he added.
The fate of Brazilian democracy was decided Wednesday as the country’s Senate voted 61 to 20 to impeach suspended President Dilma Rousseff after a trial that many international critics have described as a farce and a parliamentary coup.
The vote installs de facto President Michel Temer in office for the remainder of Rousseff’s term until the 2018 election. There were were no abstentions among the 81 Senators, who easily passed the two-thirds majority threshold of 54 votes to confirm the impeachment.
In a separate vote on whether or not to ban Rousseff from office for the next eight years, Senators voted 42 in favor and 36 against, with three abstentions, falling short of the threshold required to pass. The ousted president will be permitted to continue to hold office, while the installed president, Michel Temer, has already been banned from running for office for eight years.
In the immediate leadup to the vote, Supreme Court President Ricardo Lewandowski ruled to separate the vote on whether to impeach Rousseff from a vote on whether to suspend her “political rights” to hold any public office. Lewandowski announced the decision after Rousseff’s Workers Party requested the votes be split in two. The decision sparked a heated debating, further delaying the final vote.
Speaking from the Presidential Palace after the final decision, Rousseff reiterated her innocence in the face of baseless charges and vowed not to give up the political struggle against poverty and inequality to which she has dedicated herself during her first and partial second terms in office.
“I will fight tirelessly for a better Brazil,” she said, thanking her supporters, particularly Brazilian women, for their support during the impeachment process that she slammed as a discriminatory and misogynistic coup. “We will be back. We will come back to continue our journey towards a Brazil in which the people are sovereign.”
“I wouldn’t want to be in the place of those who think they’re the winners,” she continued. “History will be relesentless with them, as has happened in the case of past decades.”
Rousseff, suspended from office since May, is charged with spending money without congressional approval and using an accounting sleight of hand to make the government’s budget appear better than it was ahead of her 2014 reelection — a technique used by many previous presidents that critics of the process have argued is not an impeachable offense as defined in the constitution.
Her allies both nationally and internationally point out that many of the lawmakers who have plotted the coup are implicated in corruption cases far more serious than accounting tricks. According to the public interest organization Tranparencia Brasil, some 60 percent of the 594 members of the Congress face major criminal charges, from corruption to electoral fraud.
Closing arguments in the week-long trial began Wednesday. Tuesday, 66 of the chamber’s 81 senators took to the floor in a marathon session.
Rousseff and her supporters have, from the beginning, called her ouster a coup. Social movements, trade unions, campesinos, youth, Afro-Brazilian and youth groups have erupted in massive street protests across the country to support both Rousseff and democracy. The largest country in South America with a population of nearly 200 million, Brazil only at only rid itself of a military dictatorship 31 years ago.
“We are 54 million Dilmas,” read signs at many of the protests, referring to the number of votes Brazil’s first woman president received in 2014. Police are trying to crack down on protesters ahead of Wednesday vote.
Rousseff’s dismissal would consolidate a political shift to the right and the end of 13 years of leftist Workers Party rule that helped lift some 30 million Brazilians out of poverty.
In testimony to the senate Monday, the 68-year-old leader denied any wrongdoing and said the impeachment process was aimed at protecting the interests of the economic elite in Latin America’s largest country, comparing the trial to her persecution under Brazil’s military dictatorship when she was tortured as a member of an urban guerrilla group.
Temer, a right-wing member of the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party and known as the most unpopular man in Brazil who was loudly booed at the Olympic opening ceremonies, has been implicated in major corruption allegations, including bribery.
According to a recent poll by Datafolha, 60 percent of Brazilians would want snap presidential elections if Rousseff is removed to vote in a new leader to the country’s top office before the scheduled 2018 polls. Recent surveys have repeatedly shown that Rousseff’s Workers Party predecessor Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva is the favored candidate in the next election.
So sure ahead of time that Rousseff would be impeached, Temer had scheduled an address to the nation and meetings with officials for Wednesday, hoping to be officially sworn into office before 5 p.m., when he plans to fly out to China for the G20 summit.
In his few months in office, Temer has rolled back many of the social programs aimed at lifting marginalized communities out of poverty and isolation. Food subsidies, health care measures and education policies have been overturned and he has promised more austerity if he stays in office.
Workers’ Party Senator Angela Portela said it was a sad day for Brazil’s democratic system because an elected president was being unjustly impeached. “This is not a fair trial. It is a political lynching,” she said.
Two-thirds of the Senate must vote in favor of impeachment to convict her, which would amount to 54 of 81 senators.
A lead lawyer for the case to impeach Rousseff, Senator Janaina Paschoal, asked forgiveness for causing the president “suffering,” but insisted it was the right thing to do.
Rousseff’s counsel, Jose Eduardo Cardozo, retorted that the charges were trumped up to punish the president for her support of the huge corruption investigation into the national oil company Petrobras, known as Operation Car Wash, that has snared many of Brazil’s elite.
“This is a farce,” he said in a speech, “We should ask her forgiveness if she is convicted.”
“History will treat her fairly. History will absolve Dilma Rousseff if you convict her,” he added.
READ:
1. An International Tribunal Declares the Impeachment of Brazil’s Dilma Rousseff an Illegitimate Coup
2. Rousseff Testifies in Senate. Outside, Protests Against Impeachment
Brasil ya no será igual
Por EMIR SADER / Resumen Latinoamericano
28 de Agosto 2016
Cualquiera que sea el desenlace inmediato de la más profunda y prolongada crisis que el país ha vivido, Brasil no saldrá igual, nunca más será el mismo que fue. Será mejor o peor, pero nunca más el mismo. La crisis devastó la credibilidad de todo el sistema político, liquidó la legitimidad del Congreso, propagó la falta de confianza en el Poder Judicial e hizo que el pueblo aprendiera que no basta votar y ganar cuatro elecciones para que el mandato presidencial sea respetado.
En resumen, lo que se creía que el país tenía de república, se terminó. Lo que se decía que era un sistema político democrático ya no sobrevivirá. O Brasil construye una democracia sólida –para lo cual el Congreso actual, este Poder Judicial, este monopolio de los medios de comunicación no podrán seguir existiendo como ahora– o el país deja realmente de vivir en democracia.
La derecha brasileña muestra su cara sin eufemismos. Al principio alegaba que se trataría de un proyecto para “reunificar el país”, supuestamente dividido por los gobiernos del PT. Se valían de la pérdida de popularidad del gobierno de Dilma, así como del Congreso más conservador y descalificado que el país jamás ha tenido, y también del rol escandaloso y ya sin ningún pudor de los viejos medios, para destruir la democracia política que hemos tenido y promover un gobierno antidemocrático, antipopular y antinacional.
Muy rápidamente fue posible constatar que se trata simplemente de lo que se denunciaba por toda la región: el proyecto de restauración del modelo fracasado en los años 90, con Fernando Collor de Mello y Fernando Henrique Cardoso, por un gobierno golpista y minoritario, contra el pueblo, contra la democracia y contra el país.
¿Cómo se va a pronunciar el Supremo Tribunal Federal sobre cualquier tema, si ha callado frente al golpe puesto en práctica bajo sus narices, encabezado en el Senado por su presidente, que apoya todas las brutales ilegalidades que se practican? ¿De qué sirve un Poder Judicial, un STF, si no es para impedir que un crimen en contra de la democracia sea perpetrado por el Congreso? Lo que hay es un silencio cómplice, mezclado con un vergonzoso aumento del 41 por ciento de sus salarios, concedido públicamente –con fotos en los periódicos– por Eduardo Cunha, el político más corrupto del país, cuya impunidad sólo existe por la complicidad de los que debieran condenarlo, así como a tantos otros miembros del gobierno, incluido el presidente interino. Ya no habrá democracia en Brasil sin un Poder Judicial elegido y controlado por la ciudadanía, con mandatos limitados y poderes circunscriptos.
No habrá democracia en Brasil sin un Congreso efectivamente elegido sin financiamiento privado, sin que represente a los lobbies dirigidos por el poder del dinero. Un Congreso democrático tiene que estar fundado en el voto condicionado, por el cual los electores controlen a aquellos a quienes han votado y que se comprometen con un programa y con un partido determinado.
En una democracia todos tienen el derecho a la voz, por eso la opinión pública no puede ser fabricada por algunas familias, que imponen su punto de vista al país como si pudieran hablar en nombre de todos, aun cuando han perdido cuatro elecciones presidenciales consecutivas. Nadie debe perder el derecho a hablar, pero todos deben tener el derecho a expresarse, si no no se trata de una democracia sino de la dictadura de una minoría oligárquica.
En una democracia, un impostor no podría haber asumido la presidencia, aunque interina, por un golpe e imponer el programa económico derrotado cuatro veces sucesivamente (dos veces ese golpista estuvo en la lista vencedora, con un programa radicalmente opuesto al que ahora lleva adelante). Si ello ocurre, es porque la democracia fue herida de muerte, la voluntad de la mayoría fue desconocida.
Si el golpismo triunfa en el Senado brasileño, será necesario hacer que pague duramente el precio del atentado que está perpetrando. Que sus proyectos fracasen, que la vida de sus componentes se vuelva insoportable, que su banda de ladrones sea víctima de la ingobernabilidad. Que se ocupen y se resista en todos los espacios del gobierno ilegítimo, antidemocrático, antipopular y antinacional.
Es parte indisoluble de la resistencia democrática impedir cualquier acción en contra de Lula, que representa los anhelos mayoritarios del pueblo brasileño, conforme apuntan las mismas encuestas que los golpistas han utilizado para buscar legitimidad popular. Esta será la señal de si sobreviven espacios democráticos o no. Si lograran blindar de tal forma su gobierno y lograran hacer constitucional el gobierno del neoliberalismo, habrán soterrado definitivamente cualquier señal de democracia en Brasil. En ese caso ellos tendrán el mismo destino de sus antecesores: serán derribados, derrotados, execrados y un nuevo tribunal de la verdad los juzgará y los condenará por crímenes contra la democracia. Serán derrotados por el pueblo, por la democracia, por el país, por los que construirán una democracia de verdad en Brasil.
En resumen, lo que se creía que el país tenía de república, se terminó. Lo que se decía que era un sistema político democrático ya no sobrevivirá. O Brasil construye una democracia sólida –para lo cual el Congreso actual, este Poder Judicial, este monopolio de los medios de comunicación no podrán seguir existiendo como ahora– o el país deja realmente de vivir en democracia.
La derecha brasileña muestra su cara sin eufemismos. Al principio alegaba que se trataría de un proyecto para “reunificar el país”, supuestamente dividido por los gobiernos del PT. Se valían de la pérdida de popularidad del gobierno de Dilma, así como del Congreso más conservador y descalificado que el país jamás ha tenido, y también del rol escandaloso y ya sin ningún pudor de los viejos medios, para destruir la democracia política que hemos tenido y promover un gobierno antidemocrático, antipopular y antinacional.
Muy rápidamente fue posible constatar que se trata simplemente de lo que se denunciaba por toda la región: el proyecto de restauración del modelo fracasado en los años 90, con Fernando Collor de Mello y Fernando Henrique Cardoso, por un gobierno golpista y minoritario, contra el pueblo, contra la democracia y contra el país.
¿Cómo se va a pronunciar el Supremo Tribunal Federal sobre cualquier tema, si ha callado frente al golpe puesto en práctica bajo sus narices, encabezado en el Senado por su presidente, que apoya todas las brutales ilegalidades que se practican? ¿De qué sirve un Poder Judicial, un STF, si no es para impedir que un crimen en contra de la democracia sea perpetrado por el Congreso? Lo que hay es un silencio cómplice, mezclado con un vergonzoso aumento del 41 por ciento de sus salarios, concedido públicamente –con fotos en los periódicos– por Eduardo Cunha, el político más corrupto del país, cuya impunidad sólo existe por la complicidad de los que debieran condenarlo, así como a tantos otros miembros del gobierno, incluido el presidente interino. Ya no habrá democracia en Brasil sin un Poder Judicial elegido y controlado por la ciudadanía, con mandatos limitados y poderes circunscriptos.
No habrá democracia en Brasil sin un Congreso efectivamente elegido sin financiamiento privado, sin que represente a los lobbies dirigidos por el poder del dinero. Un Congreso democrático tiene que estar fundado en el voto condicionado, por el cual los electores controlen a aquellos a quienes han votado y que se comprometen con un programa y con un partido determinado.
En una democracia todos tienen el derecho a la voz, por eso la opinión pública no puede ser fabricada por algunas familias, que imponen su punto de vista al país como si pudieran hablar en nombre de todos, aun cuando han perdido cuatro elecciones presidenciales consecutivas. Nadie debe perder el derecho a hablar, pero todos deben tener el derecho a expresarse, si no no se trata de una democracia sino de la dictadura de una minoría oligárquica.
En una democracia, un impostor no podría haber asumido la presidencia, aunque interina, por un golpe e imponer el programa económico derrotado cuatro veces sucesivamente (dos veces ese golpista estuvo en la lista vencedora, con un programa radicalmente opuesto al que ahora lleva adelante). Si ello ocurre, es porque la democracia fue herida de muerte, la voluntad de la mayoría fue desconocida.
Si el golpismo triunfa en el Senado brasileño, será necesario hacer que pague duramente el precio del atentado que está perpetrando. Que sus proyectos fracasen, que la vida de sus componentes se vuelva insoportable, que su banda de ladrones sea víctima de la ingobernabilidad. Que se ocupen y se resista en todos los espacios del gobierno ilegítimo, antidemocrático, antipopular y antinacional.
Es parte indisoluble de la resistencia democrática impedir cualquier acción en contra de Lula, que representa los anhelos mayoritarios del pueblo brasileño, conforme apuntan las mismas encuestas que los golpistas han utilizado para buscar legitimidad popular. Esta será la señal de si sobreviven espacios democráticos o no. Si lograran blindar de tal forma su gobierno y lograran hacer constitucional el gobierno del neoliberalismo, habrán soterrado definitivamente cualquier señal de democracia en Brasil. En ese caso ellos tendrán el mismo destino de sus antecesores: serán derribados, derrotados, execrados y un nuevo tribunal de la verdad los juzgará y los condenará por crímenes contra la democracia. Serán derrotados por el pueblo, por la democracia, por el país, por los que construirán una democracia de verdad en Brasil.
Dilma Rousseff Proposes a Plebiscite
for a Political Reform to Exit the Crisis
Source: Brasil de Fato / The Dawn News / August 16, 2016
In a statement issued last Tuesday (August 16), Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff proposed, as a solution to the political crisis, a plebiscite to consult the population on whether or not to carry out early elections and also about a potential political and electoral reform.
“I believe that the solution for the political and economical crisis we’re facing is through popular vote in direct elections. Democracy is the only road to rebuild a Pact for National Unity, Development and Social Justice. It’s the only way to leave the crisis behind. (…) I fully believe in the need for this Plebiscite and will give my unrestricted support to the anticipation of elections, as well as a political and electoral reform”, she expressed.
Rousseff emphasized the need to dialogue with every sector of society, that is, the National Congress, social movements and productive sectors —entrepreneurs and workers.
A portion of her speech was specifically addressed to Senators, who are going to vote on the impeachment process next August 29. She said that approving the impeachment would be “logically weak, juridically senseless and unfair”.
“I ask Senators to not commit the injustice of condemning me for a crime I didn’t commit. The most devastating form of justice is the one that condemns an innocent person”, she said.
“I believe that the solution for the political and economical crisis we’re facing is through popular vote in direct elections. Democracy is the only road to rebuild a Pact for National Unity, Development and Social Justice. It’s the only way to leave the crisis behind. (…) I fully believe in the need for this Plebiscite and will give my unrestricted support to the anticipation of elections, as well as a political and electoral reform”, she expressed.
Rousseff emphasized the need to dialogue with every sector of society, that is, the National Congress, social movements and productive sectors —entrepreneurs and workers.
A portion of her speech was specifically addressed to Senators, who are going to vote on the impeachment process next August 29. She said that approving the impeachment would be “logically weak, juridically senseless and unfair”.
“I ask Senators to not commit the injustice of condemning me for a crime I didn’t commit. The most devastating form of justice is the one that condemns an innocent person”, she said.
PRIMERAS PROTESTAS EN LA APERTURA DE LA YA DENOMINADA
“CALAMIDAD OLÍMPICA”
fotos: Gerardo Gamarra /The Dawn / Resumen Latinoamericano
Agosto 5, 2016
Corporate Executive Testifies Brazil's Temer
Solicited Bribes
TeleSUR, 6 August 2016
Meanwhile, Padilha also confirmed the 2014 meeting telling Veja,"I remember that Marcelo Odebrecht was seeking to examine the possibility of providing campaign contributions to the PMDB account, then chaired by President Michel Temer."
However, as part of his statement Padilha goes on to deny having received any financial contribution from Odebrecht.
While Temer and political officials continue to deny any links to the bribery scheme, several senior lawmakers of his party are under investigation for allegedly taking bribes.
Two of them resigned from Temer's cabinet during the first weeks of his government. A third minister also quit after a recording of him criticizing the investigation was leaked to the media.
Under the terms of his plea bargain, Odebrecht has promised to present evidence of illegal payments to members of Temer's government including 35 senators, 13 governors and dozens of mayors.
In response to the allegations, Temer told Veja magazine that the dinner had taken place in order to discuss “financial aid towards election campaigns of the PMDB,” but that all the conversations and subsequent actions were “in strict accordance with electoral legislation and was later declared to the Electoral Court."
Marcelo Odebrecht's testimony further tarnishes the administration of Brazil's interim president Michel Temer.
Interim president Michel Temer was accused of bribery and providing illegal payments to members of his government, according to legal documents obtained by Brazilian media outlet Veja.
A report published by Veja on Friday included official plea bargain testimony by Marcelo Odebrecht, a former executive at the Odebrecht construction company, who accuses Temer of soliciting bribes.
As part of his testimony, Odebrecht alleges that while attending a 2014 state dinner held at the Jaburu Presidential Palace, Temer had requested “financial support” for high-ranking officials within the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party, or PMDB.
Odebrecht claims that his firm issued cash payments in the months of August and September of that same year, totaling $3.1 million. Odebrecht’s testimony goes on to allege that $1.2 million went to Eliseu Padilha, Temer’s current chief of staff, and the additional $1.8 million was received by Paulo Skaf, president of the influential Sao Paulo industry federation.
According to the legal records, the cash transfer of $3.1 million, was later registered in the Odebrecht accounting department, under a division of the finance wing known as the “kickback department.”
WATCH VIDEO HERE ....
However, as part of his statement Padilha goes on to deny having received any financial contribution from Odebrecht.
While Temer and political officials continue to deny any links to the bribery scheme, several senior lawmakers of his party are under investigation for allegedly taking bribes.
Two of them resigned from Temer's cabinet during the first weeks of his government. A third minister also quit after a recording of him criticizing the investigation was leaked to the media.
Under the terms of his plea bargain, Odebrecht has promised to present evidence of illegal payments to members of Temer's government including 35 senators, 13 governors and dozens of mayors.
In response to the allegations, Temer told Veja magazine that the dinner had taken place in order to discuss “financial aid towards election campaigns of the PMDB,” but that all the conversations and subsequent actions were “in strict accordance with electoral legislation and was later declared to the Electoral Court."
Marcelo Odebrecht's testimony further tarnishes the administration of Brazil's interim president Michel Temer.
Interim president Michel Temer was accused of bribery and providing illegal payments to members of his government, according to legal documents obtained by Brazilian media outlet Veja.
A report published by Veja on Friday included official plea bargain testimony by Marcelo Odebrecht, a former executive at the Odebrecht construction company, who accuses Temer of soliciting bribes.
As part of his testimony, Odebrecht alleges that while attending a 2014 state dinner held at the Jaburu Presidential Palace, Temer had requested “financial support” for high-ranking officials within the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party, or PMDB.
Odebrecht claims that his firm issued cash payments in the months of August and September of that same year, totaling $3.1 million. Odebrecht’s testimony goes on to allege that $1.2 million went to Eliseu Padilha, Temer’s current chief of staff, and the additional $1.8 million was received by Paulo Skaf, president of the influential Sao Paulo industry federation.
According to the legal records, the cash transfer of $3.1 million, was later registered in the Odebrecht accounting department, under a division of the finance wing known as the “kickback department.”
WATCH VIDEO HERE ....
Petrobras sells control of pre-salt oilfield to Statoil
Kallanish Energy / The Dawn News
August 1, 2016
Brazil’s state-run oil company, Petrobras, last week approved the sale of its controlling stake (66%) in Brazilian pre-salt exploration block BM-S-8 to Norway’s largest oil firm, Statoil, for $2.5 billion, Kallanish Energy reports.
The transaction will give Statoil access to one of the world’s biggest oil discoveries in recent years, the Carcará field, located in the Santos Basin. It’s the first time Petrobras has relinquished control of any pre-salt assets – considered Brazil’s most promising reserves.
Investment bank Jefferies Group said in a note to clients the deal “is significant for the industry as it represents the first example of Petrobras giving up operatorship of Brazil’s pre-salt Santos Basin assets.”
“We’re accessing a world class asset, and we strengthen our position in Brazil,” said Statoil’s CEO, Eldar Sætre. “The Carcará field will significantly enhance our international production volumes in the 2020s and beyond.”
With a target to sell $14 billion in assets this year, Petrobras said the sale represents a “significant development in the strategic partnership between the two companies.” Petrobras and Statoil have signed cooperation agreements for technological development in offshore E&P and are currently negotiating further cooperation agreements.
The Brazilian producer added it’s “giving priority to investment in assets with greater potential for short-term cash generation, capital optimization and economies of scale.”
Sætre said the assets, being purchased “on very competitive terms,” give Statoil the opportunity to scale up, being “well positioned” for operation of a unitized Carcará field.” Brazil is expected to put adjacent fields in a licensing round in 2017, Statoil said.
A final investment decision (FID) for the Carcará field and other potential resources is expected after 2020, with production to start in the mid-2020s, Statoil said.
The BM-S-8 block is a partnereship between Petrobras (66%), Petrogal Brasil (14%), Queiroz Galvão Exploração e Produção (10%) and Barra Energia do Brasil Petróleo e Gás (10%). Recoverable volumes within the BM-S-8 license ranges between 700 million to 1.3 billion barrels of oil-equivalent, Statoil said.
The transaction will give Statoil access to one of the world’s biggest oil discoveries in recent years, the Carcará field, located in the Santos Basin. It’s the first time Petrobras has relinquished control of any pre-salt assets – considered Brazil’s most promising reserves.
Investment bank Jefferies Group said in a note to clients the deal “is significant for the industry as it represents the first example of Petrobras giving up operatorship of Brazil’s pre-salt Santos Basin assets.”
“We’re accessing a world class asset, and we strengthen our position in Brazil,” said Statoil’s CEO, Eldar Sætre. “The Carcará field will significantly enhance our international production volumes in the 2020s and beyond.”
With a target to sell $14 billion in assets this year, Petrobras said the sale represents a “significant development in the strategic partnership between the two companies.” Petrobras and Statoil have signed cooperation agreements for technological development in offshore E&P and are currently negotiating further cooperation agreements.
The Brazilian producer added it’s “giving priority to investment in assets with greater potential for short-term cash generation, capital optimization and economies of scale.”
Sætre said the assets, being purchased “on very competitive terms,” give Statoil the opportunity to scale up, being “well positioned” for operation of a unitized Carcará field.” Brazil is expected to put adjacent fields in a licensing round in 2017, Statoil said.
A final investment decision (FID) for the Carcará field and other potential resources is expected after 2020, with production to start in the mid-2020s, Statoil said.
The BM-S-8 block is a partnereship between Petrobras (66%), Petrogal Brasil (14%), Queiroz Galvão Exploração e Produção (10%) and Barra Energia do Brasil Petróleo e Gás (10%). Recoverable volumes within the BM-S-8 license ranges between 700 million to 1.3 billion barrels of oil-equivalent, Statoil said.
Confidence and the Degradation of Brazil
by Mark Weisbrot - Counterpunch
July 22, 2016
For the first time in more than two decades, since the dictatorship, Brazil has a government that is widely seen as illegitimate. It is seen this way, not only by its citizens, but in much of the world. Its image is sullied, deteriorating by the week, with mounting scandals engulfing the highest levels of government. In June, the third minister of the interim government resigned amid charges of corruption.
Inconveniently, it was the minister of tourism, as the country faced calls by international public health experts for moving the Olympics due to the Zika virus.
And then there is the interim president, Michel Temer (the vice president who is serving during President Dilma Rousseff‘s impeachment trial), who had the “unifying” political acumen to appoint a cabinet of all rich white men (in a country where half the population identifies as Afro-Brazilian or mixed race). Fifteen out of 23 of these officials are reportedly under investigation. Last month, he was himself directly implicated in a corruption scandal. He had previously been barred from running for office for eight years because of violations of campaign financing laws. These are the people who are trying to depose the elected president, not for corruption, but for an accounting mechanism that previous governments also used.It’s true that all major political parties have been implicated in corruption. But President Rousseff, for the first time in Brazil’s history, gave prosecutors that authority to go after corrupt officials, letting the chips fall where they may. It has now become clear that her opposition’s main purpose in impeaching her is to impede the investigations and prosecutions of themselves and their allies.
Brazil now also has the ugly distinction of being the country with the most killings of environmental activists. It is unlikely that the new right-wing cabinet, tightly tied to agribusiness interests, will do much to prevent these murders.
Ironically, this government’s announced purpose was to restore “confidence,” primarily to investors and especially those of the international variety. But the opposite has happened: The recession is deepening, the government is much more enmeshed in scandal, and its international reputation is falling off a cliff. The New York Times editorial board, no fan of any Latin American left government, has written two editorials recently, titled “Brazil’s Gold Medal for Corruption” and “Making Brazil’s Political Crisis Worse.”
Brazil was a rising star internationally for most of the Workers’ Party’s government, including for its domestic achievements, when it reduced poverty by more than half and tripled the country’s per capita gross domestic product (GDP) growth over a decade, until it went into recession in 2014. It’s true that Dilma made a mistake by accepting the outworn dogma — still widely popular in current reporting on Brazil — that fiscal austerity, cutting public investment and raising interest rates could somehow win the confidence of investors; and that this would more than compensate for austerity’s negative impact on the economy.
But the interim government is doubling down on austerity, and has generated all the investor confidence of a big, fat banana republic. If the Senate follows through by voting to remove the elected president, they could usher in a long period of economic decline, comparable to the lost decades of the 1980s and ’90s.
Inconveniently, it was the minister of tourism, as the country faced calls by international public health experts for moving the Olympics due to the Zika virus.
And then there is the interim president, Michel Temer (the vice president who is serving during President Dilma Rousseff‘s impeachment trial), who had the “unifying” political acumen to appoint a cabinet of all rich white men (in a country where half the population identifies as Afro-Brazilian or mixed race). Fifteen out of 23 of these officials are reportedly under investigation. Last month, he was himself directly implicated in a corruption scandal. He had previously been barred from running for office for eight years because of violations of campaign financing laws. These are the people who are trying to depose the elected president, not for corruption, but for an accounting mechanism that previous governments also used.It’s true that all major political parties have been implicated in corruption. But President Rousseff, for the first time in Brazil’s history, gave prosecutors that authority to go after corrupt officials, letting the chips fall where they may. It has now become clear that her opposition’s main purpose in impeaching her is to impede the investigations and prosecutions of themselves and their allies.
Brazil now also has the ugly distinction of being the country with the most killings of environmental activists. It is unlikely that the new right-wing cabinet, tightly tied to agribusiness interests, will do much to prevent these murders.
Ironically, this government’s announced purpose was to restore “confidence,” primarily to investors and especially those of the international variety. But the opposite has happened: The recession is deepening, the government is much more enmeshed in scandal, and its international reputation is falling off a cliff. The New York Times editorial board, no fan of any Latin American left government, has written two editorials recently, titled “Brazil’s Gold Medal for Corruption” and “Making Brazil’s Political Crisis Worse.”
Brazil was a rising star internationally for most of the Workers’ Party’s government, including for its domestic achievements, when it reduced poverty by more than half and tripled the country’s per capita gross domestic product (GDP) growth over a decade, until it went into recession in 2014. It’s true that Dilma made a mistake by accepting the outworn dogma — still widely popular in current reporting on Brazil — that fiscal austerity, cutting public investment and raising interest rates could somehow win the confidence of investors; and that this would more than compensate for austerity’s negative impact on the economy.
But the interim government is doubling down on austerity, and has generated all the investor confidence of a big, fat banana republic. If the Senate follows through by voting to remove the elected president, they could usher in a long period of economic decline, comparable to the lost decades of the 1980s and ’90s.
Amid Crisis, A Coup in Brazil
Right-wing parties force out president
to force in austerity
By Asad Ismi
The Brazilian senate voted May 13 to suspend the country’s leftist president, Dilma Rousseff, pending the conclusion of her trial this summer on charges of financial illegality. Specifically Rousseff is accused of using money from state banks to obscure a budget deficit during her 2014 re-election campaign--a common tactic used by previous Brazilian governments and even in the United States. If eventually found guilty by at least two-thirds of senators—the impeachment trial is expected to wrap up in early August so as not to interfere with the Olympics—she will be permanently removed from office.
The impeachment proceedings against Rousseff were triggered by a majority vote in the Chamber of Deputies (Brazil’s lower house) on April 17. Following May’s vote in the senate, she was replaced by vice-president Michel Temer of the right-wing Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB). One of Temer’s first moves as acting president was to appoint a new conservative, all-white, all-male cabinet (close to 51% of Brazilians are non-white) and announce a severe neoliberal austerity program.
Not only is Temer widely hated by Brazilians, his cabinet has been rocked by scandal, notably the sacking of two ministers following the release of damning evidence of corruption. Temer’s own credibility was destroyed when a regional elections court in his home town of São Paulo convicted him on June 3 of violating election laws. The court declared that Temer had a “dirty record” in elections, found him guilty of spending more money on his campaign than legally permitted, and banned him from running again for eight years.
Temer’s own impeachment is already being considered by the lower house, as he signed the same sort of budget directives that were the alleged trigger for removing Rousseff. Additionally, the acting president is being investigated for receiving $1.5 million from a construction company that had dealings with Petrobras, and is accused of bribery linked to ethanol deals done through the state-owned oil company. Seven of Temer’s ministers are implicated in the massive Petrobras corruption investigation known as Operation Car Wash.
Rousseff is head of the leftist Workers’ Party (PT) that has ruled Brazil for the last 14 years, and only its second leader since her predecessor, the popular Luiz Ignácio Lula da Silva, first took office in 2012. Rousseff has denounced her suspension as a coup by a corrupt Brazilian elite that wants to stop Operation Car Wash in its tracks. The investigation has implicated politicians of all stripes, from across the senate and lower house, in a variety of crimes involving bribes and kickbacks stemming from contracts between Petrobras and nine construction companies.
Recent leaks support Rousseff’s position. Most damning has been the release, by Folha de São Paulo (Brazil’s largest newspaper), of the transcript of a 75-minute phone conversation in March between Temer’s planning minister, Romero Jucá (a senator at the time), and Sergio Machado, the former head of the transport subsidiary of Petrobras. According to an article in The Intercept, “The crux of this plot is what Jucá calls ‘a national pact’—involving all of Brazil’s most powerful institutions—to leave Michel Temer in place as President and to kill the corruption investigation once Dilma is removed. In the words of Folha, Jucá made clear that impeachment will ‘end the pressure from the media and other sectors to continue the Car Wash investigation.’”
As reported by The Intercept, Jucá also tells Machado that the Brazilian military is supporting the plot to remove Rousseff: “I am talking to the generals, the military commanders. They are fine with this, they said they will guarantee it.” He adds that the military is “monitoring the Landless Workers Movement (MST),” which opposes Roussef’s impeachment and has supported the PT’s rural land reforms, and that he has the backing of several Supreme Court judges. If Brazil’s top court cannot be trusted, the plotters’ impeachment case will be substantially weakened in the country.
The leak forced Jucá’s resignation as planning minister. Following him out the door, on May 30, was Fabiano Silveira, Temer’s transparency minister, after recordings showed he had attempted to obstruct Operation Car Wash while serving as a counsellor on the National Justice Council, a judicial watchdog agency. A third leaked conversation implicated conservative Senate President Renan Calheiros, who is next in line to replace Temer but also the target of seven investigations in the Petrobas scandal. In it, Calheiros tells Machado he wants legal changes that would end the use of plea bargains for those arrested as part of Operation Car Wash. (Offers of lighter sentences encourage suspects to snitch on other businessmen and politicians.) He also offers to “negotiate” a legal “transition” from Rousseff to Temer. One lobbyist claims Calheiros was paid $600,000 to end a Senate probe of corruption at Petrobras; a director of the energy company has accused him of taking another $1.7 million related to drill ship contracts.
While Rousseff is not herself accused of corruption or enriching herself, 60% of the 594 members of the Chamber of Deputies have been charged with crimes ranging from money laundering, bribery and electoral fraud to illegal deforestation, kidnapping and homicide.
Impeachment warrior Eduardo Cunha, himself accused of taking $40 million in bribes, has been removed from his position as speaker of the lower house by the Supreme Court. In Brazil’s upper house, 37 of 65 senators face charges of corruption. Given the mindboggling dirt on the Brazilian political class, Rousseff’s suspension begins to look ridiculous. As Noam Chomsky put it, "we have the one leading politician who hasn’t stolen to enrich herself, who’s being impeached by a gang of thieves, who have done so. That does count as a kind of soft coup."
“Rouseff’s suspension from the presidency is certainly a ‘parliamentary’ coup,” says Sean Purdy, a professor of history at the University of São Paulo. “Unable to win the presidential elections democratically, Brazil’s right-wing opposition parties, which control the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, have very hypocritically used the Petrobras scandal to piggyback impeachment proceedings against Rousseff.” Impeachment of a president in Brazil requires a “crime of responsibility,” which most legal commentators argue is simply not there, he says.
Purdy explains that the conservative opposition parties, the corporate media and key sections of the judiciary have never liked the PT’s progressive economic agenda and are using the current crisis—Brazil’s economy contracted 3.8% last year due to falling oil and commodity prices—to shift direction.
Since 2002, Workers’ Party-led governments have implemented policies to transfer much of the country’s wealth from the rich to the poor. In 2014, the U.S. journal Foreign Affairs noted admiringly how, “In the first decade of the new century, some 40 million Brazilians moved from poverty into the middle class, per capita household income shot up by 27%, and inequality dropped dramatically…. Today, Brazil still faces many challenges, from an economic downturn to corruption scandals to the end of the commodity boom. But the country’s incredible success in reducing poverty and inequality can and should light the way for further progress, both there and abroad.”
Says Purdy “The opposition wants to roll back the key social programs and workers’ rights won in the last decades both before and during the PT governments of 2002–2012. While many of the opposition parties remained allies to the PT governments during [this] era of economic prosperity, they now want all their privileges and power back and are willing to use dubious means to achieve this.”
Elite influence has also corrupted the corruption investigations. Judge Sergio Moro, the official in charge of Operation Car Wash, “has handpicked which cases he will pursue and they usually involve PT members, which indicates the selectivity of the investigation, even though names from almost every political party in Brazil (there are more than 30) showed up in testimonies,” says Sabrina Fernandes, a researcher at the University of Brasília studying political fragmentation.
Fernandes adds that Moro has collaborated with the right-wing media and conservative social movements to pressure Lula to testify, including through the use of coercion, a process deemed illegal by law experts. In contrast, Cunha refused to testify many times, yet no force was used against him. Fernandes concludes from this that the Car Wash investigation has been “appropriated for partisan interests.”
Given such massive corruption and the considerable evidence of a planned coup against Rousseff, her impeachment is less certain now than it seemed to be in May. According to Folha, several senators who previously supported impeachment are now reconsidering due to the leaks, and public demonstrations against Temer are growing larger.
_____________________
Asad Ismi is the CCPA Monitor's international affairs correspondent and author of the anthology The Latin American Revolution which can be ordered from the CCPA by emailing <[email protected]>. He is also author of the radio documentary with the same title which has been aired on 40 radio stations in Canada, the U.S. and Europe reaching 33 million people. For his publications and to listen to his documentaries visit www.asadismi.ws.
The impeachment proceedings against Rousseff were triggered by a majority vote in the Chamber of Deputies (Brazil’s lower house) on April 17. Following May’s vote in the senate, she was replaced by vice-president Michel Temer of the right-wing Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB). One of Temer’s first moves as acting president was to appoint a new conservative, all-white, all-male cabinet (close to 51% of Brazilians are non-white) and announce a severe neoliberal austerity program.
Not only is Temer widely hated by Brazilians, his cabinet has been rocked by scandal, notably the sacking of two ministers following the release of damning evidence of corruption. Temer’s own credibility was destroyed when a regional elections court in his home town of São Paulo convicted him on June 3 of violating election laws. The court declared that Temer had a “dirty record” in elections, found him guilty of spending more money on his campaign than legally permitted, and banned him from running again for eight years.
Temer’s own impeachment is already being considered by the lower house, as he signed the same sort of budget directives that were the alleged trigger for removing Rousseff. Additionally, the acting president is being investigated for receiving $1.5 million from a construction company that had dealings with Petrobras, and is accused of bribery linked to ethanol deals done through the state-owned oil company. Seven of Temer’s ministers are implicated in the massive Petrobras corruption investigation known as Operation Car Wash.
Rousseff is head of the leftist Workers’ Party (PT) that has ruled Brazil for the last 14 years, and only its second leader since her predecessor, the popular Luiz Ignácio Lula da Silva, first took office in 2012. Rousseff has denounced her suspension as a coup by a corrupt Brazilian elite that wants to stop Operation Car Wash in its tracks. The investigation has implicated politicians of all stripes, from across the senate and lower house, in a variety of crimes involving bribes and kickbacks stemming from contracts between Petrobras and nine construction companies.
Recent leaks support Rousseff’s position. Most damning has been the release, by Folha de São Paulo (Brazil’s largest newspaper), of the transcript of a 75-minute phone conversation in March between Temer’s planning minister, Romero Jucá (a senator at the time), and Sergio Machado, the former head of the transport subsidiary of Petrobras. According to an article in The Intercept, “The crux of this plot is what Jucá calls ‘a national pact’—involving all of Brazil’s most powerful institutions—to leave Michel Temer in place as President and to kill the corruption investigation once Dilma is removed. In the words of Folha, Jucá made clear that impeachment will ‘end the pressure from the media and other sectors to continue the Car Wash investigation.’”
As reported by The Intercept, Jucá also tells Machado that the Brazilian military is supporting the plot to remove Rousseff: “I am talking to the generals, the military commanders. They are fine with this, they said they will guarantee it.” He adds that the military is “monitoring the Landless Workers Movement (MST),” which opposes Roussef’s impeachment and has supported the PT’s rural land reforms, and that he has the backing of several Supreme Court judges. If Brazil’s top court cannot be trusted, the plotters’ impeachment case will be substantially weakened in the country.
The leak forced Jucá’s resignation as planning minister. Following him out the door, on May 30, was Fabiano Silveira, Temer’s transparency minister, after recordings showed he had attempted to obstruct Operation Car Wash while serving as a counsellor on the National Justice Council, a judicial watchdog agency. A third leaked conversation implicated conservative Senate President Renan Calheiros, who is next in line to replace Temer but also the target of seven investigations in the Petrobas scandal. In it, Calheiros tells Machado he wants legal changes that would end the use of plea bargains for those arrested as part of Operation Car Wash. (Offers of lighter sentences encourage suspects to snitch on other businessmen and politicians.) He also offers to “negotiate” a legal “transition” from Rousseff to Temer. One lobbyist claims Calheiros was paid $600,000 to end a Senate probe of corruption at Petrobras; a director of the energy company has accused him of taking another $1.7 million related to drill ship contracts.
While Rousseff is not herself accused of corruption or enriching herself, 60% of the 594 members of the Chamber of Deputies have been charged with crimes ranging from money laundering, bribery and electoral fraud to illegal deforestation, kidnapping and homicide.
Impeachment warrior Eduardo Cunha, himself accused of taking $40 million in bribes, has been removed from his position as speaker of the lower house by the Supreme Court. In Brazil’s upper house, 37 of 65 senators face charges of corruption. Given the mindboggling dirt on the Brazilian political class, Rousseff’s suspension begins to look ridiculous. As Noam Chomsky put it, "we have the one leading politician who hasn’t stolen to enrich herself, who’s being impeached by a gang of thieves, who have done so. That does count as a kind of soft coup."
“Rouseff’s suspension from the presidency is certainly a ‘parliamentary’ coup,” says Sean Purdy, a professor of history at the University of São Paulo. “Unable to win the presidential elections democratically, Brazil’s right-wing opposition parties, which control the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, have very hypocritically used the Petrobras scandal to piggyback impeachment proceedings against Rousseff.” Impeachment of a president in Brazil requires a “crime of responsibility,” which most legal commentators argue is simply not there, he says.
Purdy explains that the conservative opposition parties, the corporate media and key sections of the judiciary have never liked the PT’s progressive economic agenda and are using the current crisis—Brazil’s economy contracted 3.8% last year due to falling oil and commodity prices—to shift direction.
Since 2002, Workers’ Party-led governments have implemented policies to transfer much of the country’s wealth from the rich to the poor. In 2014, the U.S. journal Foreign Affairs noted admiringly how, “In the first decade of the new century, some 40 million Brazilians moved from poverty into the middle class, per capita household income shot up by 27%, and inequality dropped dramatically…. Today, Brazil still faces many challenges, from an economic downturn to corruption scandals to the end of the commodity boom. But the country’s incredible success in reducing poverty and inequality can and should light the way for further progress, both there and abroad.”
Says Purdy “The opposition wants to roll back the key social programs and workers’ rights won in the last decades both before and during the PT governments of 2002–2012. While many of the opposition parties remained allies to the PT governments during [this] era of economic prosperity, they now want all their privileges and power back and are willing to use dubious means to achieve this.”
Elite influence has also corrupted the corruption investigations. Judge Sergio Moro, the official in charge of Operation Car Wash, “has handpicked which cases he will pursue and they usually involve PT members, which indicates the selectivity of the investigation, even though names from almost every political party in Brazil (there are more than 30) showed up in testimonies,” says Sabrina Fernandes, a researcher at the University of Brasília studying political fragmentation.
Fernandes adds that Moro has collaborated with the right-wing media and conservative social movements to pressure Lula to testify, including through the use of coercion, a process deemed illegal by law experts. In contrast, Cunha refused to testify many times, yet no force was used against him. Fernandes concludes from this that the Car Wash investigation has been “appropriated for partisan interests.”
Given such massive corruption and the considerable evidence of a planned coup against Rousseff, her impeachment is less certain now than it seemed to be in May. According to Folha, several senators who previously supported impeachment are now reconsidering due to the leaks, and public demonstrations against Temer are growing larger.
_____________________
Asad Ismi is the CCPA Monitor's international affairs correspondent and author of the anthology The Latin American Revolution which can be ordered from the CCPA by emailing <[email protected]>. He is also author of the radio documentary with the same title which has been aired on 40 radio stations in Canada, the U.S. and Europe reaching 33 million people. For his publications and to listen to his documentaries visit www.asadismi.ws.
Mining kills 4 times more workers than any other
job in Brazil
Marcio Zonta / Source: Brasil de Fato / The Dawn News
July, 11, 2016
Minas Gerais and Pará —South-East and Northern Brazilian regions— are the states with the most probabilities of death while working. This is no coincidence. Both states contain the main region under mining exploitation of the country.
From 2000 to 2010, the Jorge Duprat and Figueiredo Foundation (Fundacentro) proved that the General Index of Accidents in Brazil amounted to 8,66%. Meanwhile, the average rate of accidents in the mining industry was of 21%, which almost triplicates the national average.
But there’s a great amount of error in the information provided by companies and public entities in the matter is, warns Marta Freitas, Secretary of Health of Minas Gerais.
“Many workers have died and we don’t even know about it. We have many cases of people who have died in Minas Gerais and their families can’t even have access to their corpse nor take it out from the mining pit to give it proper burial”, Freitas said.
The team of the Foundation and the National Confederation of Industry (CNTI) cross-referenced 11 million pieces of data from 34 mining municipalities in Minas Gerais and found out that there was a reduction in the number of deaths and work accidents in the industry.
An example of this is the document issued by the Social Welfare Ministry, which received 1,907 Work Accident Notifications (CATS), between 2004 and 2008. Of those, only one of the notifications issued by a mining company referenced a death that occurred on location. Their report indicated that other workers had died on their way to the hospital.
But transferring an injured miner to a hospital is something that can hardly ever occur, considering nature of the most frequent accidents in the mining activity. “Workers don’t usually come out alive from these situations because in mining accidents they are usually buried underground, or trapped under a rock, or suffer a collision. How is it possible that they only registered one death on the location in four years?”, questions Freitas.
However, the absence of a data bank is not the main reason why it’s hard to measure the real number of deaths and the type (as well as the cause) of mining accidents. The lack of a proper methodology and of a systematic updating of that information are the main problems, according to Freitas.
The Labour Ministry, for example, has a data bank of its own, and the Health Ministry has five different categories under which these cases can be listed. “They have no relation with one another. We need to know how many people die and why. The information is only released after two years and therefore it’s often old and useless, because the worker could have died from other causes”, Freitas criticizes.
Another example is the information collected by the National Institution of Social Security (INSS), which often doesn’t match the information issued by Vale, one of the most important mining companies in the area.
A report on Vale’s activities, in 2005, indicated the presence of deaths. “Unfortunately, and despite all our efforts, deaths were registered in the operations: a fatal accident of one of the company’s employees, 8 in outsourced companies and 3 in companies of the same group”, the statement read. But the INSS registered only 3 deaths in the same period.
The victim is to blame
Apart from the under-reporting of deaths in the mining industry, the Brazilian legislation still includes a legal figure known as“Insecure Act”, which is often used by companies. It basically holds the worker is responsible for their own death or accident, even if the conditions of work were dangerous.
One of the examples comes from Vale. In the “Chart for the Training of Teams for the Research and Analysis of Accidents and Near Accidents”, instructions require that, in case of a fatal accident the “victim” must take part in a meeting with those in charge of the area.
In the event of a lesion, the guidelines dictate that the injured worker should “immediately reach out to his supervisor and to the health team”. In the regulations issued by Vale, Marta Freitas sees an attempt to blame the victims for their own accidents.
“Let’s imagine this scenario: a rock has fallen on somebody and that person has to notify his boss and the doctor, who are usually not present in the mine. If he doesn’t do this, he can be dismissed with a fair cause”, she affirms.
According to the information issued by the Labour Ministry, mining kills four times more people than any other job in Brazil. This adds to the fact that the universe analysed only takes into account registered workers, which are a minority —they only amount to 30% of the total. This means that the real figure is probably higher. “We are leaving a portion of the workers completely unprotected, because this is the sector that employs the higher amount of outsourced companies”, says the doctor of the Public Ministry of Work of Minas Gerais, Mario Parreira.
Another complex issue is Silicosis, a form of occupational lung disease caused by inhalation of crystalline silica dust. The number of people in Brazil that have been diagnosed with this illness is close to 500,000, but this number could be even higher, since the INSS registers silicosis as a non-work-related disease.
“This is absurd. They attempt to hide the high levels of disease among workers of the mining industry. A person that has spent his whole life working in the mining pit does not get silicosis at home”, Marta argues.
Positioning
According to Vale, they own an “internal procedure that creates a register in the process of analysis of health, security and environment issues”, and its main objective is to generate an Organizational learning.
According to the company the regulation does not demand the participation of victims in the team that analyzes the accident. “However, as with any other process of analysis, it’s common that the victims and other witnesses give testimony on the events that caused the incident so as to establish the sequence of the facts”.
The company stated that the testimonies collected are not correlated with what has actually happened, since the working accident rates have been diminishing year by year, since 2011.
In 2013, “the number of casualties due to diseases was of 6,9, for every 10 millions hours worked per man. And in 2015, the figure decreased to 5,8”, the company stated.
From 2000 to 2010, the Jorge Duprat and Figueiredo Foundation (Fundacentro) proved that the General Index of Accidents in Brazil amounted to 8,66%. Meanwhile, the average rate of accidents in the mining industry was of 21%, which almost triplicates the national average.
But there’s a great amount of error in the information provided by companies and public entities in the matter is, warns Marta Freitas, Secretary of Health of Minas Gerais.
“Many workers have died and we don’t even know about it. We have many cases of people who have died in Minas Gerais and their families can’t even have access to their corpse nor take it out from the mining pit to give it proper burial”, Freitas said.
The team of the Foundation and the National Confederation of Industry (CNTI) cross-referenced 11 million pieces of data from 34 mining municipalities in Minas Gerais and found out that there was a reduction in the number of deaths and work accidents in the industry.
An example of this is the document issued by the Social Welfare Ministry, which received 1,907 Work Accident Notifications (CATS), between 2004 and 2008. Of those, only one of the notifications issued by a mining company referenced a death that occurred on location. Their report indicated that other workers had died on their way to the hospital.
But transferring an injured miner to a hospital is something that can hardly ever occur, considering nature of the most frequent accidents in the mining activity. “Workers don’t usually come out alive from these situations because in mining accidents they are usually buried underground, or trapped under a rock, or suffer a collision. How is it possible that they only registered one death on the location in four years?”, questions Freitas.
However, the absence of a data bank is not the main reason why it’s hard to measure the real number of deaths and the type (as well as the cause) of mining accidents. The lack of a proper methodology and of a systematic updating of that information are the main problems, according to Freitas.
The Labour Ministry, for example, has a data bank of its own, and the Health Ministry has five different categories under which these cases can be listed. “They have no relation with one another. We need to know how many people die and why. The information is only released after two years and therefore it’s often old and useless, because the worker could have died from other causes”, Freitas criticizes.
Another example is the information collected by the National Institution of Social Security (INSS), which often doesn’t match the information issued by Vale, one of the most important mining companies in the area.
A report on Vale’s activities, in 2005, indicated the presence of deaths. “Unfortunately, and despite all our efforts, deaths were registered in the operations: a fatal accident of one of the company’s employees, 8 in outsourced companies and 3 in companies of the same group”, the statement read. But the INSS registered only 3 deaths in the same period.
The victim is to blame
Apart from the under-reporting of deaths in the mining industry, the Brazilian legislation still includes a legal figure known as“Insecure Act”, which is often used by companies. It basically holds the worker is responsible for their own death or accident, even if the conditions of work were dangerous.
One of the examples comes from Vale. In the “Chart for the Training of Teams for the Research and Analysis of Accidents and Near Accidents”, instructions require that, in case of a fatal accident the “victim” must take part in a meeting with those in charge of the area.
In the event of a lesion, the guidelines dictate that the injured worker should “immediately reach out to his supervisor and to the health team”. In the regulations issued by Vale, Marta Freitas sees an attempt to blame the victims for their own accidents.
“Let’s imagine this scenario: a rock has fallen on somebody and that person has to notify his boss and the doctor, who are usually not present in the mine. If he doesn’t do this, he can be dismissed with a fair cause”, she affirms.
According to the information issued by the Labour Ministry, mining kills four times more people than any other job in Brazil. This adds to the fact that the universe analysed only takes into account registered workers, which are a minority —they only amount to 30% of the total. This means that the real figure is probably higher. “We are leaving a portion of the workers completely unprotected, because this is the sector that employs the higher amount of outsourced companies”, says the doctor of the Public Ministry of Work of Minas Gerais, Mario Parreira.
Another complex issue is Silicosis, a form of occupational lung disease caused by inhalation of crystalline silica dust. The number of people in Brazil that have been diagnosed with this illness is close to 500,000, but this number could be even higher, since the INSS registers silicosis as a non-work-related disease.
“This is absurd. They attempt to hide the high levels of disease among workers of the mining industry. A person that has spent his whole life working in the mining pit does not get silicosis at home”, Marta argues.
Positioning
According to Vale, they own an “internal procedure that creates a register in the process of analysis of health, security and environment issues”, and its main objective is to generate an Organizational learning.
According to the company the regulation does not demand the participation of victims in the team that analyzes the accident. “However, as with any other process of analysis, it’s common that the victims and other witnesses give testimony on the events that caused the incident so as to establish the sequence of the facts”.
The company stated that the testimonies collected are not correlated with what has actually happened, since the working accident rates have been diminishing year by year, since 2011.
In 2013, “the number of casualties due to diseases was of 6,9, for every 10 millions hours worked per man. And in 2015, the figure decreased to 5,8”, the company stated.
Brasil: el desmonte veloz y clandestine
Por Eric Nepomuceno, Resumen Latinoamericano
3 julio 2016
Brasil vive el cotidiano gotear de denuncias contra políticos de toda estirpe y calibre. En estas últimas semanas, la principal concentración de acusaciones tuvo como blanco algunos de los más habituales frecuentadores de las listas de nombres que desde hace añares hacen de la política una palanca para desviar recursos públicos para sus bolsillos y para ayudar a elegir aliados que, a su vez, ayudarán a que todo el esquema se mantenga intocado. Exactamente, el grupo que ocupa el poder, luego de haber apartado a una presidenta contra la cual no existe una sola denuncia de corrupción.
Resulta curioso observar cómo los grandes medios de comunicación persisten en sus esfuerzos para tratar de convencer a la opinión pública de que la corrupción es un invento del PT, y que antes de Lula da Silva y su pandilla se robaba, es verdad, pero un poquitín nomás.
El actual aluvión de denuncias hace que con esa tarea de los grandes conglomerados de comunicación, con las organizaciones Globo (diario, revistas, emisoras de radio y el monopolio televisivo) a la cabeza, enfrente obstáculos. Cada día resulta más difícil envenenar aún más a la ya idiotizada opinión pública brasileña.
Ya no es tan fácil impedir que se conozcan las jugosas denuncias contra Michel Temer, el presidente interino, y el núcleo duro que lo rodea. Su cómplice –perdón: aliado– más visible, Eduardo Cunha, alejado de la presidencia de la Cámara de Diputados por decisión de la Corte Suprema, y cuyo mandato está por un hilo, se convirtió en el símbolo más concreto de la villanía en que se transformó el Congreso brasileño.
Pues Temer, el interino, lo recibió, en la noche del domingo pasado, en la residencia oficial de la vicepresidencia de la nación, oficialmente, para que los dos hiciesen un análisis del actual cuadro político brasileño.
La verdad, sin embargo, es otra: una vez más, Cunha fue advertir a Temer que o se encuentran medios para salvar su mandato y asegurar su inmunidad o será el caos. Hasta el césped de los inmensos jardines de Brasilia sabe que si Cunha abre la boca no quedará piedra sobre piedra en el PMDB, que él y Temer dominan.
La verdad es que la lentitud en que transcurre el proceso de destitución de Dilma Rousseff se hace agobiante. A estas alturas, la posibilidad de que la presidenta logre revertir votos en el Senado y ser reconducida parece infima.
Por más que hasta algunos senadores que defienden el golpe reconozcan que no hay ninguna razón constitucional para liquidar el mandato de Dilma Rousseff, ese ya no es más que un detalle sin importancia. El golpe está configurado, implementado, y deshacerlo es tarea casi imposible.
Mientras el país se asombra con el huracán de denuncias, prisiones arbitrarias, violaciones de códigos legales, con el dominio fuera de control de la tríade Fiscalía-Poder Judiciario-Policía Federal, eufóricamente aplaudida por los medios hegemónicos de comunicación, algo más afilado y cortante se impone.
El golpe en curso nace del convencimiento, de parte de los derrotados en las urnas, de que no sería tan fácil recuperar el poder por la vía del voto popular. Y, con eso, crecía cada vez más el riesgo de que el proyecto político-económico llevado adelante por los gobiernos del PT se consolidase y avanzase.
Esa, la verdadera razón del golpe en curso, y que, vale repetir, tiene amplias posibilidades de éxito.
Por esos días se votará en el Congreso un cambio radical en la legislación del petróleo. Será el retorno del régimen anterior a Lula da Silva: los inmensos yacimientos del llamado pre-sal, o sea, en aguas ultraprofundas, podrán ser subastados sin que la Petrobras participe necesariamente de su explotación y producción.
Se pretende, en seguida, abrir el capital de varias subsidiarias de la estatal, en especial la red de ductos, las terminales marítimas y, un poco más adelante, las refinerías.
Otro blanco: el sector eléctrico, ya bastante abierto a la iniciativa privada, será ofertado a grupos multinacionales.
Dilma Rousseff impuso límites a la compra de tierras por extranjeros. La razón: el voraz apetito chino, que pretende adquirir extensiones inmensas para plantar soya que luego será exportada a China. Bueno: Michel Temer ya anunció que esa legislación será alterada.
Los estados brasileños, altamente endeudados, recibirán ayuda del gobierno nacional, siempre que procedan a privatizar lo que sea posible de carreteras al servicio de suministro de agua, colecta de basura, saneamiento básico y, según el caso, red de hospitals.
El equipo económico de Temer es ducho en tales tareas. Cada uno de ellos es altamente eficaz a la hora de seguir, de la manera más radical posible, la cartilla del neoliberalismo devorador e insaciable.
Y es así, tras la pantalla de las denuncias y de escándalos, que en altísima velocidad se prepara el desmonte del país.
Porque todos saben que es casi imposible, para alguien tan involucrado en escándalos de corrupción como Michel Temer y su pandilla (perdón: grupo de asesores directos), permanecer en el poder. Algo pasará. Y, mientras no pasa, que se desmonte el país y se venda al mejor postor.
Resulta curioso observar cómo los grandes medios de comunicación persisten en sus esfuerzos para tratar de convencer a la opinión pública de que la corrupción es un invento del PT, y que antes de Lula da Silva y su pandilla se robaba, es verdad, pero un poquitín nomás.
El actual aluvión de denuncias hace que con esa tarea de los grandes conglomerados de comunicación, con las organizaciones Globo (diario, revistas, emisoras de radio y el monopolio televisivo) a la cabeza, enfrente obstáculos. Cada día resulta más difícil envenenar aún más a la ya idiotizada opinión pública brasileña.
Ya no es tan fácil impedir que se conozcan las jugosas denuncias contra Michel Temer, el presidente interino, y el núcleo duro que lo rodea. Su cómplice –perdón: aliado– más visible, Eduardo Cunha, alejado de la presidencia de la Cámara de Diputados por decisión de la Corte Suprema, y cuyo mandato está por un hilo, se convirtió en el símbolo más concreto de la villanía en que se transformó el Congreso brasileño.
Pues Temer, el interino, lo recibió, en la noche del domingo pasado, en la residencia oficial de la vicepresidencia de la nación, oficialmente, para que los dos hiciesen un análisis del actual cuadro político brasileño.
La verdad, sin embargo, es otra: una vez más, Cunha fue advertir a Temer que o se encuentran medios para salvar su mandato y asegurar su inmunidad o será el caos. Hasta el césped de los inmensos jardines de Brasilia sabe que si Cunha abre la boca no quedará piedra sobre piedra en el PMDB, que él y Temer dominan.
La verdad es que la lentitud en que transcurre el proceso de destitución de Dilma Rousseff se hace agobiante. A estas alturas, la posibilidad de que la presidenta logre revertir votos en el Senado y ser reconducida parece infima.
Por más que hasta algunos senadores que defienden el golpe reconozcan que no hay ninguna razón constitucional para liquidar el mandato de Dilma Rousseff, ese ya no es más que un detalle sin importancia. El golpe está configurado, implementado, y deshacerlo es tarea casi imposible.
Mientras el país se asombra con el huracán de denuncias, prisiones arbitrarias, violaciones de códigos legales, con el dominio fuera de control de la tríade Fiscalía-Poder Judiciario-Policía Federal, eufóricamente aplaudida por los medios hegemónicos de comunicación, algo más afilado y cortante se impone.
El golpe en curso nace del convencimiento, de parte de los derrotados en las urnas, de que no sería tan fácil recuperar el poder por la vía del voto popular. Y, con eso, crecía cada vez más el riesgo de que el proyecto político-económico llevado adelante por los gobiernos del PT se consolidase y avanzase.
Esa, la verdadera razón del golpe en curso, y que, vale repetir, tiene amplias posibilidades de éxito.
Por esos días se votará en el Congreso un cambio radical en la legislación del petróleo. Será el retorno del régimen anterior a Lula da Silva: los inmensos yacimientos del llamado pre-sal, o sea, en aguas ultraprofundas, podrán ser subastados sin que la Petrobras participe necesariamente de su explotación y producción.
Se pretende, en seguida, abrir el capital de varias subsidiarias de la estatal, en especial la red de ductos, las terminales marítimas y, un poco más adelante, las refinerías.
Otro blanco: el sector eléctrico, ya bastante abierto a la iniciativa privada, será ofertado a grupos multinacionales.
Dilma Rousseff impuso límites a la compra de tierras por extranjeros. La razón: el voraz apetito chino, que pretende adquirir extensiones inmensas para plantar soya que luego será exportada a China. Bueno: Michel Temer ya anunció que esa legislación será alterada.
Los estados brasileños, altamente endeudados, recibirán ayuda del gobierno nacional, siempre que procedan a privatizar lo que sea posible de carreteras al servicio de suministro de agua, colecta de basura, saneamiento básico y, según el caso, red de hospitals.
El equipo económico de Temer es ducho en tales tareas. Cada uno de ellos es altamente eficaz a la hora de seguir, de la manera más radical posible, la cartilla del neoliberalismo devorador e insaciable.
Y es así, tras la pantalla de las denuncias y de escándalos, que en altísima velocidad se prepara el desmonte del país.
Porque todos saben que es casi imposible, para alguien tan involucrado en escándalos de corrupción como Michel Temer y su pandilla (perdón: grupo de asesores directos), permanecer en el poder. Algo pasará. Y, mientras no pasa, que se desmonte el país y se venda al mejor postor.
Dilma Rousseff acepta decisión del pueblo
ante una eventual consulta popular
Resumen Latinoamericano
11 junio 2016
La ex mandataria participó de una entrevista, al ser consultada sobre qué pasaría el día después de deshacerse del impeachment, Rousseff dijo que la respuesta sobre el camino del país tendría que ser dada por el pueblo, admitiendo el plebiscito e incluso nuevas elecciones como hipótesis. Según Rousseff, si aprobada la destitución, el país no logrará salir de la crisis con el gobierno de Temer. Ella sostiene que el pueblo no confiará en el actual presidente interino porque no le eligió en las urnas. “¿Cómo uno creerá que los contratos se mantendrán si el contrato más grande del país, que son las elecciones, se rompió?”, preguntó. Rousseff criticó una vez más la admisibilidad del proceso de impeachment utilizando como argumento el hecho de que, aunque la Constitución establece el juicio político, también estipula que debe haber un delito que lo justifique. “No se puede forzar y calificar como un delito algo que no lo es. Los presidentes que me precedieron emitieron más decretos que yo”, dijo refiriéndose al exmandatario Fernando Henrique Cardoso, quien emitió, según ella, entre 23 y 30 decretos de suplementación presupuestaria. Los decretos de Rousseff son la razón en que se basa el juicio político.“No por mi mandato, pero por las consecuencias que tiene, sobre la democracia brasileña, quitar un mandato. Eso no solo afecta a la presidencia de la República, sino a todos los poderes”, dijo.
Semiparlamentarismo
La presidenta apartada criticó a los que abogan por un semiparlamentarismo, pues considera que eso traería un gran riesgo al país. “No necesitamos acabar con el presidencialismo, sino crear las condiciones para la reforma política”, dijo Rousseff. Defendido por Temer, el semiparlamentarismo prevé participación más efectiva del Congreso Nacional en las acciones del gobierno, incluso en la ejecución del presupuesto. En ese contexto, Rousseff volvió a defender la consulta popular. “Solo la consulta popular para limpiar el lío que está siendo el gobierno Temer.” Según ella, las crisis que Brasil atravesó en la historia democrática reciente fueron superadas con el presidencialismo.
Eduardo Cunha
Aún sobre el proceso de juicio político, Rousseff volvió a culpar a Eduardo Cunha, presidente apartado de la Cámara de Diputados. Según ella, al final de su primer mandato, se empezó a organizar, sobre todo en la Cámara, un movimiento político “del centro a la derecha”, con la aparición de agendas conservadoras. El proceso habría sido comandado por Cunha, entonces líder del PMDB, el más grande partido aliado con el gobierno. “Él es el líder de la derecha en el centro. El proceso culminó con su elección [a la presidencia de la Cámara]”, dijo.
Con la ascensión de Cunha, se hizo inviable el diálogo entre el gobierno y la Cámara, según Rousseff, porque Cunha tenía “su propia agenda”. “El gran problema de trabajar con Eduardo Cunha es que él tiene su propia agenda. Cuando el centro tiene su propia agenda, conservadora, la negociación es difícil.” La presidenta apartada subrayó que Cunha aceptó la denuncia originaria del proceso de impeachment en venganza por el hecho de que el gobernante Partido de los Trabajadores no se comprometió a votar contra la abertura del proceso de destitución del mismo Cunha en el Consejo de Ética.
Operación Autolavado
Respecto a la Operación Autolavado y a los casos de corrupción descubiertos recientemente por la Policía Federal y la Fiscalía, Rousseff dijo que el gran problema de la corrupción es el control privado que se hace del dinero público. “No se puede escandalizar las investigaciones sobre el delito de corrupción. Lo que se debe hacer es, le duela a quien le duela, investigar y punir. Si son empresas, aplicar multas. Hay una gran hipocresía sobre ese asunto de las investigaciones”, dijo.
Semiparlamentarismo
La presidenta apartada criticó a los que abogan por un semiparlamentarismo, pues considera que eso traería un gran riesgo al país. “No necesitamos acabar con el presidencialismo, sino crear las condiciones para la reforma política”, dijo Rousseff. Defendido por Temer, el semiparlamentarismo prevé participación más efectiva del Congreso Nacional en las acciones del gobierno, incluso en la ejecución del presupuesto. En ese contexto, Rousseff volvió a defender la consulta popular. “Solo la consulta popular para limpiar el lío que está siendo el gobierno Temer.” Según ella, las crisis que Brasil atravesó en la historia democrática reciente fueron superadas con el presidencialismo.
Eduardo Cunha
Aún sobre el proceso de juicio político, Rousseff volvió a culpar a Eduardo Cunha, presidente apartado de la Cámara de Diputados. Según ella, al final de su primer mandato, se empezó a organizar, sobre todo en la Cámara, un movimiento político “del centro a la derecha”, con la aparición de agendas conservadoras. El proceso habría sido comandado por Cunha, entonces líder del PMDB, el más grande partido aliado con el gobierno. “Él es el líder de la derecha en el centro. El proceso culminó con su elección [a la presidencia de la Cámara]”, dijo.
Con la ascensión de Cunha, se hizo inviable el diálogo entre el gobierno y la Cámara, según Rousseff, porque Cunha tenía “su propia agenda”. “El gran problema de trabajar con Eduardo Cunha es que él tiene su propia agenda. Cuando el centro tiene su propia agenda, conservadora, la negociación es difícil.” La presidenta apartada subrayó que Cunha aceptó la denuncia originaria del proceso de impeachment en venganza por el hecho de que el gobernante Partido de los Trabajadores no se comprometió a votar contra la abertura del proceso de destitución del mismo Cunha en el Consejo de Ética.
Operación Autolavado
Respecto a la Operación Autolavado y a los casos de corrupción descubiertos recientemente por la Policía Federal y la Fiscalía, Rousseff dijo que el gran problema de la corrupción es el control privado que se hace del dinero público. “No se puede escandalizar las investigaciones sobre el delito de corrupción. Lo que se debe hacer es, le duela a quien le duela, investigar y punir. Si son empresas, aplicar multas. Hay una gran hipocresía sobre ese asunto de las investigaciones”, dijo.
The Brazilian Coup and Washington’s “Rollback”
in Latin America
by Mark Weisbrot
May 27, 2016
It is clear that the executive branch of the U.S. government favors the coup underway in Brazil, even though they have been careful to avoid any explicit endorsement of it.
Exhibit A was the meeting between Tom Shannon, the 3rd ranking U.S. State Department official and the one who is almost certainly in charge of handling this situation, with Senator Aloysio Nunes, one of the leaders of the impeachment in the Brazilian Senate, on April 20.
By holding this meeting just three days after the Brazilian lower house voted to impeach President Dilma Rousseff, Shannon was sending a signal to governments and diplomats throughout the region and the world that Washington is more than ok with the impeachment.
Nunes returned the favor this week by leading an effort (he is chair of the Brazilian Senate Foreign Relations Committee) to suspend Venezuela from Mercosur, the South American trade bloc.
There is a lot at stake here for the major U.S. foreign policy institutions, which include the 17 intelligence agencies, State Department, Pentagon, White House National Security Council, and foreign policy committees of the Senate and House.
An enormous geopolitical shift took place over the past 15 years, in which the Latin American left went from governing zero countries to a majority of the region.
CONTINUE READING HERE ....
Exhibit A was the meeting between Tom Shannon, the 3rd ranking U.S. State Department official and the one who is almost certainly in charge of handling this situation, with Senator Aloysio Nunes, one of the leaders of the impeachment in the Brazilian Senate, on April 20.
By holding this meeting just three days after the Brazilian lower house voted to impeach President Dilma Rousseff, Shannon was sending a signal to governments and diplomats throughout the region and the world that Washington is more than ok with the impeachment.
Nunes returned the favor this week by leading an effort (he is chair of the Brazilian Senate Foreign Relations Committee) to suspend Venezuela from Mercosur, the South American trade bloc.
There is a lot at stake here for the major U.S. foreign policy institutions, which include the 17 intelligence agencies, State Department, Pentagon, White House National Security Council, and foreign policy committees of the Senate and House.
An enormous geopolitical shift took place over the past 15 years, in which the Latin American left went from governing zero countries to a majority of the region.
CONTINUE READING HERE ....
[albacanada] Canadian organizations condemn Parliamentary coup in Brazil
More info here!!
Rally against the Coup in Brazil
Sunday May 15th @ 1:00 pm
77 Bloor St. West,
In front of the Consulate General of Brazil
Join us in front of the Consulate General of Brazil for rally against the Coup in Brazil and in solidarity with popular movements throughout Brazil.
On May 12th, Brazilian Senators voted to back the impeachment trial which has led to the suspension of President Rousseff, while thousands of people gathered throughout Brazil to protest this act. The suspension of President Rousseff is an institutional and anti-democratic coup that goes against the will of 54 million voters. It was orchestrated by the most rightwing and conservative sectors of Brazilian society, particularly the neoliberal business class, subservient to US interests and its companies.
Those who seek take over the government are business elites who want to dismantle core social programs implemented by President Rousseff Workers’ party, and impose neoliberal policies, that have been rejected by the majority of Brazilians over the past 13 years at the ballot box. These elites, many of whom are corrupt themselves with some involved in the Lava Jato scandal into money laundering and price fixing at Petrobras, the state-owned oil company.
We call on the international community to condemn the coup. We call on the Canadian government not to recognize the government of Michel Temer.
For more information see Facebook page.
On May 12th, Brazilian Senators voted to back the impeachment trial which has led to the suspension of President Rousseff, while thousands of people gathered throughout Brazil to protest this act. The suspension of President Rousseff is an institutional and anti-democratic coup that goes against the will of 54 million voters. It was orchestrated by the most rightwing and conservative sectors of Brazilian society, particularly the neoliberal business class, subservient to US interests and its companies.
Those who seek take over the government are business elites who want to dismantle core social programs implemented by President Rousseff Workers’ party, and impose neoliberal policies, that have been rejected by the majority of Brazilians over the past 13 years at the ballot box. These elites, many of whom are corrupt themselves with some involved in the Lava Jato scandal into money laundering and price fixing at Petrobras, the state-owned oil company.
We call on the international community to condemn the coup. We call on the Canadian government not to recognize the government of Michel Temer.
For more information see Facebook page.
Democracy Now! Glenn Greenwald on Brazil:
Goal of Rousseff Impeachment is to Boost
Neoliberals & Protect Corruption
Watch video here!
MST Statement on the withdrawn of
President Dilma Rousseff
This is an institutional and anti-democratic coup that disrespects the will of 54 million voters.
The Landless Workers Movement (MST) publicly expresses its disgust and dissatisfaction regarding the decision of the Senate, this Thursday (12), in admitting the process of impeachment against President Dilma Roussef and temporarily withdrawing her from the post. We are sure, as stated in the text of the case, that the President did not commit any crime with fiscal peddling. If this is to be considered crime, the vice president, Michel Temer, who now assumes as President, and Senator Anastasia, the rapporteur of the process and former governor of Minas Gerais, should also be accused.
This is an institutional and anti-democratic coup that disrespected the will of 54 million voters and was orchestrated by the most conservative sectors of society, particularly the neoliberal business, subservient to the interests of US companies. A coup supported by a permanent campaign of mass media - especially Globo - and by a selective action of the sectors of the judiciary.
The coup endorsed by the Senate does not only disrespects the views of the public about who should be the head of state, but, as announced by Temer, intends to apply a recessive and neoliberal program, one that left sad memories for the Brazilian people in the times of the Collor-Cardoso governments . It is anti-popular, and represents a social backlash that was repeatedly rejected by the majority at the polls. Unable to live with democracy and submit to the popular will, the elites withdrawn the President without any evidence of crime, just so their project of social cuts, unemployment and privatization is taken into place.
Michel Temer's "Bridge to the recession" will only lead to accentuation of social and economic crisis and widen the political instability of the country.The new announced government , for its history, does not represents a rupture with the corrupt methods, which we all have denounced in the streets.
We hope that the Senate will redeem itself when it judges the merit. And if it does not, the democratic party forces against the coup should appeal to the Supreme Court. Brazilian society knows we are facing an economic, political, social and environmental crisis. This crisis will not be overcome with coups. It is needed a broad debate in society that agglutinates most popular and social forces, to seek to build a new country project to confront the crisis.
Regarding the established political crisis, we defend, along other popular movements, that only a deep political reform that returns to the people its right to choose their legitimate representatives, can be a real way out. The current Congress has no condition or political will to do so. Hence the need for the Senate to approve the holding of the plebiscite that gives the people the right to convene a constituent assembly, to take forward a political reform to conduct general elections in democratic conditions.
The MST will remain mobilized in defense of democracy and social rights, together with Brazil Popular Front and the thousands of workers who will not accept the coup. We will keep our struggle against landlordism and agribusiness, for a popular agrarian reform and for the constitutional right of all rural workers to have land and dignified life in the rural areas.
No to the coup! Temer out!
MST National Coordination
Brasilia, May 12, 2016
The Landless Workers Movement (MST) publicly expresses its disgust and dissatisfaction regarding the decision of the Senate, this Thursday (12), in admitting the process of impeachment against President Dilma Roussef and temporarily withdrawing her from the post. We are sure, as stated in the text of the case, that the President did not commit any crime with fiscal peddling. If this is to be considered crime, the vice president, Michel Temer, who now assumes as President, and Senator Anastasia, the rapporteur of the process and former governor of Minas Gerais, should also be accused.
This is an institutional and anti-democratic coup that disrespected the will of 54 million voters and was orchestrated by the most conservative sectors of society, particularly the neoliberal business, subservient to the interests of US companies. A coup supported by a permanent campaign of mass media - especially Globo - and by a selective action of the sectors of the judiciary.
The coup endorsed by the Senate does not only disrespects the views of the public about who should be the head of state, but, as announced by Temer, intends to apply a recessive and neoliberal program, one that left sad memories for the Brazilian people in the times of the Collor-Cardoso governments . It is anti-popular, and represents a social backlash that was repeatedly rejected by the majority at the polls. Unable to live with democracy and submit to the popular will, the elites withdrawn the President without any evidence of crime, just so their project of social cuts, unemployment and privatization is taken into place.
Michel Temer's "Bridge to the recession" will only lead to accentuation of social and economic crisis and widen the political instability of the country.The new announced government , for its history, does not represents a rupture with the corrupt methods, which we all have denounced in the streets.
We hope that the Senate will redeem itself when it judges the merit. And if it does not, the democratic party forces against the coup should appeal to the Supreme Court. Brazilian society knows we are facing an economic, political, social and environmental crisis. This crisis will not be overcome with coups. It is needed a broad debate in society that agglutinates most popular and social forces, to seek to build a new country project to confront the crisis.
Regarding the established political crisis, we defend, along other popular movements, that only a deep political reform that returns to the people its right to choose their legitimate representatives, can be a real way out. The current Congress has no condition or political will to do so. Hence the need for the Senate to approve the holding of the plebiscite that gives the people the right to convene a constituent assembly, to take forward a political reform to conduct general elections in democratic conditions.
The MST will remain mobilized in defense of democracy and social rights, together with Brazil Popular Front and the thousands of workers who will not accept the coup. We will keep our struggle against landlordism and agribusiness, for a popular agrarian reform and for the constitutional right of all rural workers to have land and dignified life in the rural areas.
No to the coup! Temer out!
MST National Coordination
Brasilia, May 12, 2016
ALBA Canada condemns the murder of campesino activists
from the MST in Brazil
The Dawn News / April 8, 2016
The national articulation of social movements towards ALBA in Canada condemns the military police repression against the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST) encampment in the state of Paraná, Brazil on April 7, 2016. Reports state that military Police and security guards from the lumber company, Araupel entered the Dom Tomas Balduino encampment where some 2,500 families were living. They proceeded to expel the families off the land and fired on thousands of families killing two MST campesino activists and wounding many more.
The MST reported the community had been receiving threats from security forces prior to the attack. Adding to that, on April 6th in Paraíba, Ivanildo Francisco da Silva, 46 year-old President of the Workers’ Party (PT) in the Mogeiro municipality was also murdered.
These are not isolated events; the police attack is the latest example of territorial conflicts in Brazil where landless rural workers have long been fighting for access to land and land reform.
The military police that undertook the violent repression at the Dom Tomas Balduino encampment is under Governor Carlos Alberto Richa, of the Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) party, one of the right-wing parties that is promoting a soft coup against President Dilma Rousseff.
We express our solidarity with Brazil’s MST and all land defenders who seek to claim and protect their land against corporate incursion.
We condemn this cowardly act and join our voices with the MST who are demanding immediate justice for the brutal massacre, land for the tillers and popular agrarian reform.
Signatures:
América Latina al Día
Circulo Bolivariano Louis Riel
Common Frontiers
DeColonize Now
Idle No More
Latin American and Caribbean Solidarity Network
Socialist Project
Students united in representation of Latin. America
The Dawn News – International Newsletter of Popular Struggles
To include your signature in the document, please e-mail Raul Burbano at ALBA Canada: burbano(at)rogers.com
The MST reported the community had been receiving threats from security forces prior to the attack. Adding to that, on April 6th in Paraíba, Ivanildo Francisco da Silva, 46 year-old President of the Workers’ Party (PT) in the Mogeiro municipality was also murdered.
These are not isolated events; the police attack is the latest example of territorial conflicts in Brazil where landless rural workers have long been fighting for access to land and land reform.
The military police that undertook the violent repression at the Dom Tomas Balduino encampment is under Governor Carlos Alberto Richa, of the Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) party, one of the right-wing parties that is promoting a soft coup against President Dilma Rousseff.
We express our solidarity with Brazil’s MST and all land defenders who seek to claim and protect their land against corporate incursion.
We condemn this cowardly act and join our voices with the MST who are demanding immediate justice for the brutal massacre, land for the tillers and popular agrarian reform.
Signatures:
América Latina al Día
Circulo Bolivariano Louis Riel
Common Frontiers
DeColonize Now
Idle No More
Latin American and Caribbean Solidarity Network
Socialist Project
Students united in representation of Latin. America
The Dawn News – International Newsletter of Popular Struggles
To include your signature in the document, please e-mail Raul Burbano at ALBA Canada: burbano(at)rogers.com
Brasileños expresan frente al congreso su apoyo
a la presidenta Dilma
TeleSUR - Abril 11, 2016
En las inmediaciones del Congreso Nacional de Brasil ciudadanos provenientes de diferentes estados del país se dieron cita para mostrar su rechazo al proceso de juicio político contra la mandataria Dilma Rousseff. Este lunes los diputados decidirán si admiten o no este procedimiento. teleSUR.
VIDEOS RELACIONADOS AQUI ...
VIDEOS RELACIONADOS AQUI ...
DECLARACIÓN URGENTE/ALBA Movimientos:
El latifundio y los enemigos del pueblo asesinan a campesinos en Brasil
[email protected] - 7 Abril, 2016
Articulación Continental de los Movimientos Sociales hacia el ALBA, condenamos enérgicamente los sucesos acontencidos en el día de la fecha (7 de abril de 2016), donde la Policía Militar ingresó salvajemente y disparando a mansalva, a un acampe de miles de familias del MST (Movimiento de Trabajadores Sin Tierra) ubicado en el Estado de Paraná, dejando un saldo de 2 trabajadores campesinos muertos y muchos heridos.
Cabe señalar que la Policía Militar que actuó en el operativo represivo se encuentra bajo las órdenes del gobernador Carlos Alberto Richa, del PSDB, una de las formaciones derechistas que están impulsando el Golpe Blando contra la presidenta Dilma Roussef.
También se conoció que ayer, en Paraíba, también fue asesinado Ivanildo Francisco da Silva, de 46 años, presidente del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT) en el municipio de Mogeiro.
Nos solidarizamos con el MST de Brasil tras estos hechos, y llamamos a la unidad continental y al pronunciamiento de palabra y acciones contundentes ante la ola de asesinatos que se está manifestando en toda la región. NO son hechos aislados, es un plan orquestado por los enemigos de los pueblos para acallar las voces, sembrar el miedo, intentar detener la lucha.
Repudiamos estos lamentables hechos y exigimos inmediata investigación y que se haga justicia.
Nos ponemos a entera disposición de los compañeros y compañeras del MST.
-JUSTICIA INMEDIATA POR LA SALVAJE MASACRE
-TIERRA PARA EL QUE LA TRABAJA
-REFORMA AGRARIA POPULAR YA
Secretaría Operativa
ALBA Movimientos
Cabe señalar que la Policía Militar que actuó en el operativo represivo se encuentra bajo las órdenes del gobernador Carlos Alberto Richa, del PSDB, una de las formaciones derechistas que están impulsando el Golpe Blando contra la presidenta Dilma Roussef.
También se conoció que ayer, en Paraíba, también fue asesinado Ivanildo Francisco da Silva, de 46 años, presidente del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT) en el municipio de Mogeiro.
Nos solidarizamos con el MST de Brasil tras estos hechos, y llamamos a la unidad continental y al pronunciamiento de palabra y acciones contundentes ante la ola de asesinatos que se está manifestando en toda la región. NO son hechos aislados, es un plan orquestado por los enemigos de los pueblos para acallar las voces, sembrar el miedo, intentar detener la lucha.
Repudiamos estos lamentables hechos y exigimos inmediata investigación y que se haga justicia.
Nos ponemos a entera disposición de los compañeros y compañeras del MST.
-JUSTICIA INMEDIATA POR LA SALVAJE MASACRE
-TIERRA PARA EL QUE LA TRABAJA
-REFORMA AGRARIA POPULAR YA
Secretaría Operativa
ALBA Movimientos
AGAINST THE COUP D’ETAT IN BRAZIL
The Dawn
April 5, 2016
The Network of Intellectuals, Artists, and Social Movements in Defense of Humanity denounces the serious coup attempt against President Dilma Rousseff at this crucial time and embraces her along with the hardworking and honest people of Brazil.
A deep cry of “No vai ter golpe”, is rising in Brazil to defend the Government of Dilma, democracy and constitutional order. Political analysts agree that an impeachment without legal basis can be considered a coup. This legal basis does not exist because there is not a single bit of proof to incriminate the President.
We are with all those who are mobilized in the streets, countryside, squares, unions, cultural and academic centers to prevent the coup and in defense of the Government which was elected by 54 million Brazilians.
We express our solidarity with the Council of the National Federation of Journalists from Brazil (FENAJ) which urged all Brazilian citizens to resist and fight for democracy, justice and freedom and also with the pronouncement of the Brazilian Union of Writers. We also extend our solidarity with the persistent calls from honest and democratic lawyers in Brazil who are challenging the arbitrariness and injustice of the corrupt judges supported by the O Globo network, an accomplice of the military dictatorship dedicated to the media lynching of the presidential administrations of the Workers Party (PT) and the social struggles of the heroic Landless Workers Movement (MST).
Our support comes now when they have denounced that there is a coup conspiracy
designed from abroad to separate the most populous and largest country in Latin America from its destiny in the world and especially in Our America.
The coup attempt intensified when it became certain that Luiz Inácio Lula Da Silva, the best President in the history of Brazil, had announced that he would be a presidential candidate for the elections of the 2018.
CONTINUE READING HERE ....
ALSO READ:
Ten facts that Brazil and the world should know
A deep cry of “No vai ter golpe”, is rising in Brazil to defend the Government of Dilma, democracy and constitutional order. Political analysts agree that an impeachment without legal basis can be considered a coup. This legal basis does not exist because there is not a single bit of proof to incriminate the President.
We are with all those who are mobilized in the streets, countryside, squares, unions, cultural and academic centers to prevent the coup and in defense of the Government which was elected by 54 million Brazilians.
We express our solidarity with the Council of the National Federation of Journalists from Brazil (FENAJ) which urged all Brazilian citizens to resist and fight for democracy, justice and freedom and also with the pronouncement of the Brazilian Union of Writers. We also extend our solidarity with the persistent calls from honest and democratic lawyers in Brazil who are challenging the arbitrariness and injustice of the corrupt judges supported by the O Globo network, an accomplice of the military dictatorship dedicated to the media lynching of the presidential administrations of the Workers Party (PT) and the social struggles of the heroic Landless Workers Movement (MST).
Our support comes now when they have denounced that there is a coup conspiracy
designed from abroad to separate the most populous and largest country in Latin America from its destiny in the world and especially in Our America.
The coup attempt intensified when it became certain that Luiz Inácio Lula Da Silva, the best President in the history of Brazil, had announced that he would be a presidential candidate for the elections of the 2018.
CONTINUE READING HERE ....
ALSO READ:
Ten facts that Brazil and the world should know
Brazil, like Russia, Under Attack by Hybrid War
By Pepe Escobar - Counterpunch
March 30, 2016
Color revolutions would never be enough; Exceptionalistan is always on the lookout for major strategic upgrades capable of ensuring perpetual Empire of Chaos hegemony.
The ideological matrix and the modus operandi of color revolutions by now are a matter of public domain. Not so much the concept of Unconventional War (UW).
UW was spelled out by the 2010 Special Forces Unconventional Warfare manual. Here’s the money quote:
“The intent of US [Unconventional Warfare] UW efforts is to exploit a hostile power’s political, military, economic, and psychological vulnerabilities by developing and sustaining resistance forces to accomplish US strategic objectives… For the foreseeable future, US forces will predominantly engage in irregular warfare (IW) operations.”
“Hostile” powers are meant not only in a military sense; any state that dares to defy any significant plank of the Washington-centric world “order” – from Sudan to Argentina – may be branded “hostile”.
CONTINUE READING HERE ...
The ideological matrix and the modus operandi of color revolutions by now are a matter of public domain. Not so much the concept of Unconventional War (UW).
UW was spelled out by the 2010 Special Forces Unconventional Warfare manual. Here’s the money quote:
“The intent of US [Unconventional Warfare] UW efforts is to exploit a hostile power’s political, military, economic, and psychological vulnerabilities by developing and sustaining resistance forces to accomplish US strategic objectives… For the foreseeable future, US forces will predominantly engage in irregular warfare (IW) operations.”
“Hostile” powers are meant not only in a military sense; any state that dares to defy any significant plank of the Washington-centric world “order” – from Sudan to Argentina – may be branded “hostile”.
CONTINUE READING HERE ...
Glenn Greenwald: Is It A Coup? What Is Happening in Brazil is Much Worse Than Donald Trump
The Dawn, March 28, 2016
AMY GOODMAN: Well, for more, we’re joined by Glenn Greenwald, the Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist based in Brazil. He’s been covering Brazil closely for The Intercept. His recent piece is headlined “Brazil Is Engulfed by Ruling Class Corruption—and a Dangerous Subversion of Democracy.” In it, Glenn Greenwald writes, quote, “this is a campaign to subvert Brazil’s democratic outcomes by monied factions that have long hated the results of democratic elections, deceitfully marching under an anti-corruption banner: quite similar to the 1964 coup.”
In a moment, we’re going to be talking with Glenn Greenwald about the attacks in Brussels, as well as the presidential elections here in the United States and the battle between Apple and the U.S. government over encryption. But right now we’re starting with Brazil.
Glenn, there is very little attention in the United States in the mainstream media about what’s taking place in Brazil. President Obama is right next door in Argentina, but can you talk about what is happening in the country you live in, in Brazil?
GLENN GREENWALD: Definitely. It is a little odd that such extreme levels of political instability have received relatively little attention, given that Brazil is the fifth most populous country in the world, it’s the eighth largest economy, and whatever happens there will have reverberations for all sorts of markets and countries, including the United States.
The situation in Brazil is actually fairly complicated, much more so than the small amount of media attention devoted to it in the U.S. has suggested. The media attention in the U.S. has suggested that it’s the people, by the millions, rising up against a corrupt government, and sort of depicting it as the heroic population against a corrupt left-wing, virtually tyrannical regime. And in a lot of ways, that’s an oversimplification; in a lot of ways, it’s simply inaccurate. So let me just make a couple of key points.
First of all, it is the case that the Brazilian political class and its—the highest levels of its economic class are rife with very radical corruption.
CONTINUE READING HERE ...
Also read: Brazil Torn Between Adjustment Or Coup, by Carlos Aznárez
In a moment, we’re going to be talking with Glenn Greenwald about the attacks in Brussels, as well as the presidential elections here in the United States and the battle between Apple and the U.S. government over encryption. But right now we’re starting with Brazil.
Glenn, there is very little attention in the United States in the mainstream media about what’s taking place in Brazil. President Obama is right next door in Argentina, but can you talk about what is happening in the country you live in, in Brazil?
GLENN GREENWALD: Definitely. It is a little odd that such extreme levels of political instability have received relatively little attention, given that Brazil is the fifth most populous country in the world, it’s the eighth largest economy, and whatever happens there will have reverberations for all sorts of markets and countries, including the United States.
The situation in Brazil is actually fairly complicated, much more so than the small amount of media attention devoted to it in the U.S. has suggested. The media attention in the U.S. has suggested that it’s the people, by the millions, rising up against a corrupt government, and sort of depicting it as the heroic population against a corrupt left-wing, virtually tyrannical regime. And in a lot of ways, that’s an oversimplification; in a lot of ways, it’s simply inaccurate. So let me just make a couple of key points.
First of all, it is the case that the Brazilian political class and its—the highest levels of its economic class are rife with very radical corruption.
CONTINUE READING HERE ...
Also read: Brazil Torn Between Adjustment Or Coup, by Carlos Aznárez
LULA SE MOSTRO FIRME FRENTE AL EMBATE JUDICIAL Y MEDIATICO. HUBO MARCHAS DE APOYO AL GOBIERNO
EN TODO EL PAIS
Dario Pignotti, Resumen Latinoamericano
Marzo 18, 2016
Como en sus mejores épocas, Lula arenga a la multitud en defensa de la democracia en el centro de San Pablo.
“No habrá golpe”. Un Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva entero, inspirado, de camisa rojísima, habló ayer en San Pablo frente a una multitud posiblemente mayor de la esperada por los propios organizadores del acto, que seguramente cayó como un mazazo en aquellos que daban por inminente la caída de la presidenta Dilma Rousseff. “El martes le voy a llevar a Dilma una foto de este acto para que ella sepa que acá, en San Pablo, hay mucha gente queriendo que ella gobierne este país, que no va a haber golpe”, dijo Lula al cerrar su discurso, y la muchedumbre le respondió unánime “¡no habrá golpe, no habrá golpe!”.
El ex presidente, que el jueves fue nombrado ministro jefe de la Casa Civil por Rousseff, comentó que espera poder ejercer el cargo pese a la andanada de medidas cautelares disparadas por jueces y un ministro de la Corte que parecen (en realidad lo están) sincronizadas para impedirle actuar en el gabinete.
CONTINUE LEYENDO AQUI ..
Con ventaja de un voto, diputados que apoyan juicio a Dilma Rousseff
Brasil se debate entre el golpismo y el ajuste
El pueblo de Brasil da espaldarazo a Lula Da Silva
“No habrá golpe”. Un Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva entero, inspirado, de camisa rojísima, habló ayer en San Pablo frente a una multitud posiblemente mayor de la esperada por los propios organizadores del acto, que seguramente cayó como un mazazo en aquellos que daban por inminente la caída de la presidenta Dilma Rousseff. “El martes le voy a llevar a Dilma una foto de este acto para que ella sepa que acá, en San Pablo, hay mucha gente queriendo que ella gobierne este país, que no va a haber golpe”, dijo Lula al cerrar su discurso, y la muchedumbre le respondió unánime “¡no habrá golpe, no habrá golpe!”.
El ex presidente, que el jueves fue nombrado ministro jefe de la Casa Civil por Rousseff, comentó que espera poder ejercer el cargo pese a la andanada de medidas cautelares disparadas por jueces y un ministro de la Corte que parecen (en realidad lo están) sincronizadas para impedirle actuar en el gabinete.
CONTINUE LEYENDO AQUI ..
Con ventaja de un voto, diputados que apoyan juicio a Dilma Rousseff
Brasil se debate entre el golpismo y el ajuste
El pueblo de Brasil da espaldarazo a Lula Da Silva
Lula and the BRICS in a fight to the death
Pepe Escobar - RT Question More
March 8, 2016
“BRICS” is the dirtiest of acronyms in the Beltway/Wall Street axis, and for a solid reason: the consolidation of the BRICS is the only organic, global-reach project with the potential to derail Exceptionalistan’s grip over the so-called “international community.”
So it’s no surprise the three key BRICS powers have been under simultaneous attack, on many fronts, for some time now. On Russia, it’s all about Ukraine and Syria, the oil price war, the odd hostile raid over the ruble and the one-size-fits-all “Russian aggression” demonization. On China, it’s all about “Chinese aggression” in the South China Sea and the (failed) raid over the Shanghai/Shenzhen stock exchanges.
Brazil is the weakest link among these three key emerging powers. Already by the end of 2014 it was clear the usual suspects would go no holds barred to destabilize the seventh largest global economy, aiming at good old regime change via a nasty cocktail of political gridlock (“ungovernability”) dragging the economy to the mud.
Myriad reasons for the attack include the consolidation of the BRICS development bank; the BRICS’s concerted push for trading in their own currencies, bypassing the US dollar and aiming for a new global reserve currency to replace it; the construction of a major underwater fiber-optic telecom cable between Brazil and Europe, as well as the BRICS cable uniting South America to East Asia – both bypassing US control.
And most of all, as usual, the holy of the holies – connected with Exceptionalistan’s burning desire to privatize Brazil’s immense natural wealth. Once again, it’s the oil.
Get Lula or else.... Keep Reading here!
So it’s no surprise the three key BRICS powers have been under simultaneous attack, on many fronts, for some time now. On Russia, it’s all about Ukraine and Syria, the oil price war, the odd hostile raid over the ruble and the one-size-fits-all “Russian aggression” demonization. On China, it’s all about “Chinese aggression” in the South China Sea and the (failed) raid over the Shanghai/Shenzhen stock exchanges.
Brazil is the weakest link among these three key emerging powers. Already by the end of 2014 it was clear the usual suspects would go no holds barred to destabilize the seventh largest global economy, aiming at good old regime change via a nasty cocktail of political gridlock (“ungovernability”) dragging the economy to the mud.
Myriad reasons for the attack include the consolidation of the BRICS development bank; the BRICS’s concerted push for trading in their own currencies, bypassing the US dollar and aiming for a new global reserve currency to replace it; the construction of a major underwater fiber-optic telecom cable between Brazil and Europe, as well as the BRICS cable uniting South America to East Asia – both bypassing US control.
And most of all, as usual, the holy of the holies – connected with Exceptionalistan’s burning desire to privatize Brazil’s immense natural wealth. Once again, it’s the oil.
Get Lula or else.... Keep Reading here!
“What they are doing to Lula is an attack by
conservative groups”
Joao Pedro Stedile - Interview
By: Geraldina Colotti / Source: ALBA Movements / The Dawn News
March 10, 2016
“They want to neutralize Lula”. The leader of the Landless Peasants Movement, João Pedro Stedile, is outraged by the development of the Lava Jato investigation. We interviewed him to talk about the detention of the former President of Brazil.
What is going on?
The operation of the Federal Police, which last Friday broke into Lula’s home and took him to question him along with a coordinator of the 2010 election, José Felipi, is a clear judicial abuse. In our judicial canon, that is not even done with the worst delinquents, unless there is a reasonable justification.
The intention of these reactionary sectors in the judicial power is to prevent Lula from running in the 2018 presidential elections. Dilma’s government is a government in crisis, that can’t get out of the crisis to take a step forward. The bourgeoisie is currently not as intent on removing her from her seat as it is on imposing their neoliberal agenda. That is what they demand. And, at the same time, they must prevent Lula’s candidacy for 2018.
READ FULL INTERVIEW HERE
What is going on?
The operation of the Federal Police, which last Friday broke into Lula’s home and took him to question him along with a coordinator of the 2010 election, José Felipi, is a clear judicial abuse. In our judicial canon, that is not even done with the worst delinquents, unless there is a reasonable justification.
The intention of these reactionary sectors in the judicial power is to prevent Lula from running in the 2018 presidential elections. Dilma’s government is a government in crisis, that can’t get out of the crisis to take a step forward. The bourgeoisie is currently not as intent on removing her from her seat as it is on imposing their neoliberal agenda. That is what they demand. And, at the same time, they must prevent Lula’s candidacy for 2018.
READ FULL INTERVIEW HERE
Presidenta de Brasil manifiesta inconformidad
por coerción contra Lula + Allanamiento y detención en IMÁGENES (abra link)
Resumen Latinoamericano / Prensa Latina- Telesur
04 de marzo de 2016
Entrevista a João Pedro Stedile:
“El imperio pasó a jugar más duro”
Resumen Lationoamericano - Nov. 27, 2015
Asumiendo que tras la derrota del ALCA (Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas), el momento político colocaba al centro de las definiciones el tema de la integración popular, un conjunto de organizaciones sociales coincidieron la necesidad de construir un espacio integracionista teniendo como referencia el ALBA (Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América), en tanto proyecto esencialmente político que se remite al ideal de Patria Grande, promovido desde las guerras de la independencia.
Este proceso arrancó en julio 2008, con la elaboración de la Carta de los Movimientos Sociales de las Américas que, después de diversos debates en los diferentes países y en el Foro Social de las Américas realizado en Guatemala (2008), es aprobada en la Asamblea de los Movimientos Sociales del ALBA, durante el Foro Social Mundial de 2009, en Belém do Pará, Brasil. Como en el impulso de esta iniciativa ha tenido un rol muy activo el Movimiento de los Trabajadores Rurales sin Tierra (MST) de Brasil, establecimos un intercambio con João Pedro Stedile, miembro de la Coordinación Nacional de esta organización, cuyas reflexiones recogemos a continuación.
– ¿Qué factores y actores fueron gravitantes para la derrota del ALCA?
En esencia, con el ALCA se buscó armar un aparato jurídico para proteger las operaciones de las empresas estadounidenses orientadas a tomar el control del mercado de las Américas. Y para eso se necesitaba la libertad total del comercio, anulando cualquiera medida soberana de los gobiernos nacionales. La implantación de la moneda estadounidense, con protección jurídica plena a sus inversiones.
Sin embargo, para que se concrete este proyecto se necesitaba el apoyo de todos los gobiernos de la región. Mas resulta que, a partir de Hugo Chávez, en diversos países fueron electos gobiernos anti-neoliberales, reconfigurando un escenario que terminó por obstaculizar el avance del ALCA.
Por otro lado, el gobierno de Estados Unidos ya estaba fragilizado en sus propuestas neoliberales, al tiempo que perdía terreno con las derrotas político-militares en el Medio Oriente.
Y este cuadro se completa con la resistencia popular en diversos países del continente. En algunos, la resistencia se organiza en forma de campaña explícitamente contra el ALCA. En otros, se presenta como movilizaciones populares, localizadas, contra el neoliberalismo, lo cual significaba estar contra el libre comercio y la subordinación a los Estados Unidos.
SIGA LEYENDO AQUI ...
Este proceso arrancó en julio 2008, con la elaboración de la Carta de los Movimientos Sociales de las Américas que, después de diversos debates en los diferentes países y en el Foro Social de las Américas realizado en Guatemala (2008), es aprobada en la Asamblea de los Movimientos Sociales del ALBA, durante el Foro Social Mundial de 2009, en Belém do Pará, Brasil. Como en el impulso de esta iniciativa ha tenido un rol muy activo el Movimiento de los Trabajadores Rurales sin Tierra (MST) de Brasil, establecimos un intercambio con João Pedro Stedile, miembro de la Coordinación Nacional de esta organización, cuyas reflexiones recogemos a continuación.
– ¿Qué factores y actores fueron gravitantes para la derrota del ALCA?
En esencia, con el ALCA se buscó armar un aparato jurídico para proteger las operaciones de las empresas estadounidenses orientadas a tomar el control del mercado de las Américas. Y para eso se necesitaba la libertad total del comercio, anulando cualquiera medida soberana de los gobiernos nacionales. La implantación de la moneda estadounidense, con protección jurídica plena a sus inversiones.
Sin embargo, para que se concrete este proyecto se necesitaba el apoyo de todos los gobiernos de la región. Mas resulta que, a partir de Hugo Chávez, en diversos países fueron electos gobiernos anti-neoliberales, reconfigurando un escenario que terminó por obstaculizar el avance del ALCA.
Por otro lado, el gobierno de Estados Unidos ya estaba fragilizado en sus propuestas neoliberales, al tiempo que perdía terreno con las derrotas político-militares en el Medio Oriente.
Y este cuadro se completa con la resistencia popular en diversos países del continente. En algunos, la resistencia se organiza en forma de campaña explícitamente contra el ALCA. En otros, se presenta como movilizaciones populares, localizadas, contra el neoliberalismo, lo cual significaba estar contra el libre comercio y la subordinación a los Estados Unidos.
SIGA LEYENDO AQUI ...
La Corte Suprema suspendió el inicio del
juicio político a Dilma
Resumen Latinoamericano
Octubre 13, 2015
A pedido de legisladores oficialistas, el máximo tribunal frenó la iniciativa opositora; el titular de la Cámara baja, ex aliado de la mandataria, insistirá con la embestida.Una decisión del máximo tribunal de Brasil le dio más tiempo a la presidenta Dilma Rousseff para reunir los votos que necesita y así evitar que sus opositores inicien un juicio político en su contra por violar las reglas de las finanzas públicas.
Los partidos de la oposición planeaban forzar una votación en la Cámara Baja, una maniobra que podría haber iniciado un procedimiento contra al presidenta esta semana.
Sin embargo, el Supremo Tribunal Federal ordenó, a pedido de legisladores del oficialismo, la suspensión de los trámites para el juicio antes de que comenzaran.
El presidente de la Cámara Baja, Eduardo Cunha, un ex aliado de Rousseff que se pasó a la oposición, dijo que seguiría revisando las solicitudes para un juicio político pese a la orden judicial.
“La decisión sobre las peticiones de un juicio político es una atribución constitucional que tengo y no está siendo cuestionada. Sigo teniendo esa prerrogativa y la usaré”, dijo Cunha a la prensa.
Hasta el momento se ha presentado una decena de pedidos alegando que Rousseff violó reglas sobre las finanzas del Gobierno y abusó de su poder durante la campaña para su reelección.
Los partidos de la oposición planeaban forzar una votación en la Cámara Baja, una maniobra que podría haber iniciado un procedimiento contra al presidenta esta semana.
Sin embargo, el Supremo Tribunal Federal ordenó, a pedido de legisladores del oficialismo, la suspensión de los trámites para el juicio antes de que comenzaran.
El presidente de la Cámara Baja, Eduardo Cunha, un ex aliado de Rousseff que se pasó a la oposición, dijo que seguiría revisando las solicitudes para un juicio político pese a la orden judicial.
“La decisión sobre las peticiones de un juicio político es una atribución constitucional que tengo y no está siendo cuestionada. Sigo teniendo esa prerrogativa y la usaré”, dijo Cunha a la prensa.
Hasta el momento se ha presentado una decena de pedidos alegando que Rousseff violó reglas sobre las finanzas del Gobierno y abusó de su poder durante la campaña para su reelección.
Dilma Rousseff y la caída en picada de cierto “progresismo”
Primero, relaciones carnales con Obama
y ahora declaración de amor Henry Kissinger
Resumen Latinoamericano, July 1, 2015
Además de haber “hecho las paces” con el genocida Barack Obama y seguir avanzando firmemente en la línea de afianzar una mayor dependencia a los Estados Unidos, como le recomiendan sus “Chicago boys”, Joaquín Levy (ministro de Economía) y Katia Abreu (ministra de “Agronegocios”), Dilma tuvo otro encuentro vergonzoso con el criminal de lesa humanidad Henry Kissinger.
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Read more here ...